The Protocols of the Meetings Learned Elders of Zion - Index of

The Protocols of the Meetings of the Learned Elders of Zion, translated by Victor Marsden 

The Protocols of the Meetings 

of the 

Learned Elders of Zion 

Translated from the Russian Text by 

Victor E. Marsden 

Formerly Russian Correspondent of The Morning Post 

LONDON 

The Britons Publishing Society 

40, Great Ormond Street, W.C.1. 

1933 (2nd reprint) 

http://www.geocities.com/alabasters_archive/marsden_protocols.html 

Page 1 of 96 

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The Table of Contents can be found at the end of this document 

and also by clicking the section and paragraph headings. 

Preface 

p.1. 

THE AUTHOR OF THIS TRANSLATION of the famous Protocols was 

himself a victim of the Revolution. He had lived for many years in Russia and 

was married to a Russian lady. Among his other activities in Russia he had 

been for a number of years a Russian Correspondent of the Morning Post, a 

position which he occupied when the Revolution broke out, and his vivid 

descriptions of events in Russia will still be in the recollection of many of the 

readers of that Journal. Naturally he was singled out for the anger of the 

Soviet. On the day that Captain Cromie was murdered by Jews, Victor 

Marsden was arrested and thrown into the Peter-Paul Prison, expecting every 

day to have his name called out for execution. This, however, he escaped, 

and eventually he was allowed to return to England very much of a wreck in 

bodily health. However, he recovered under treatment and the devoted care 

of his wife and friends. One of the first things he undertook, as soon as he 

was able, was this translation of the Protocols. Mr. Marsden was eminently 

well qualified for the work. His intimate acquaintance with Russia, Russian life 

and the Russian language on the one hand, and his mastery of a terse 

literary English style on the other, placed him in a position of advantage 

which few others could claim. The consequence is that we have in his version 

an eminently readable work, and though the subject-matter is somewhat 

formless, Mr. Marsden's literary touch reveals the thread running through the 

twenty-four Protocols. The Summary placed at the head of each is Mr. 

Marsden's own, and will be found very useful in acquiring a comprehensive 

view of its scope. 

p.2. 

It may be said with truth that this work was carried out at the cost of Mr. 

Marsden's own life's blood. He told the writer of this Preface that he could not 

stand more than an hour at a time of his work on it in the British Museum, as 



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the diabolical spirit of the matter which he was obliged to turn into English 

made him positively ill. 

p.3. 

Mr. Marsden's connection with the Morning Post was not severed by his 

return to England, and he was well enough to accept the post of special 

correspondent of that journal in the suite of H.R.H., the Prince of Wales on 

his Empire tour. From this he returned with the Prince, apparently in much 

better health, but within a few days of his landing he was taken suddenly ill, 

and died after a very brief illness. 

p.4. 

May this work be his crowning monument! In it he has performed an immense 

service to the English-speaking world, and there can be little doubt that it will 

take its place in the first rank of the English versions of The Protocols of the 

Meetings of the Learned Elders of Zion. 

Introduction 

i.1. 

OF THE PROTOCOLS THEMSELVES little need be said in the way of 

introduction. The book in which they are embodied was published by Sergyei 

Nilus in Russia in 1905. A copy of this is in the British Museum bearing the 

date of its reception, August 10, 1906. All copies that were known to exist in 

Russia were destroyed in the Kerensky regime, and under his successors the 

possession of a copy by anyone in Soviet land was a crime sufficient to 

ensure the owner's of being shot on sight. The fact is in itself sufficient proof 

of the genuineness of the Protocols. The Jewish journals, of course, say that 

they are a forgery, leaving it to be understood that Professor Nilus, who 

embodied them in a work of his own, had concocted them for his own 

purposes. 

i.2. 



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Mr. Henry Ford, in an interview published in the New York World, February 

17th, 1921, put the case for Nilus tersely and convincingly thus: 

Indeed they do! 

The only statement I care to make about the Protocols is that 

they fit in with what is going on. They are sixteen years old, 

and they have fitted the world situation up to this time. They fit 

it now. 

i.3. 

The word "Protocol" signifies a precis gummed on to the front of a document, 

a draft of a document, minutes of proceedings. In this instance, "Protocol" 

means minutes of the proceedings of the Meetings of the Learned Elders of 

Zion. These Protocols give the substance of addresses delivered to the 

innermost circle of the Rulers of Zion. They reveal the converted plan of 

action of the Jewish Nation developed through the ages and edited by the 

Elders themselves up to date. Parts and summaries of the plan have been 

published from time to time during the centuries as the secrets of the Elders 

have leaked out. The claim of the Jews that the Protocols are forgeries is in 

itself an admission of their genuineness, for they never attempt to answer the 

facts corresponding to the threats which the Protocols contain, and, indeed, 

the correspondence between prophecy and fulfillment is too glaring to be set 

aside or obscured. This the Jews well know and therefore evade. 

i.4. 

The presumption is strong that the Protocols were issued, or reissued, at the 

First Zionist Congress held at Basle in 1897 under the presidency of the 

Father of Modern Zionism, the late Theodore Herzl. 

i.5. 

There has been recently published a volume of Herzl's "Diaries," a translation 

of some passages which appeared in the Jewish Chronicle of July 14, 1922. 

Herzl gives an account of his first visit to England in 1895, and his 

conversation with Colonel Goldsmid, a Jew brought up as a Christian, an 

officer in the English Army, and at heart a Jew Nationalist all the time. 

Goldsmid suggested to Herzl that the best way of expropriating the English 

aristocracy, and so destroying their power to protect the people of England 

against Jew domination, was to put excessive taxes on the land. Herzl 

thought this an excellent idea, and it is now to be found definitely embodied in 

Protocol VI! 



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i.6. 

The above extract from Herzl's Diary is an extremely significant bit of 

evidence bearing on the existence of the Jew World Plot and authenticity of 

the Protocols, but any reader of intelligence will be able from his own 

knowledge of recent history and from his own experience to confirm the 

genuineness of every line of them, and it is in the light of this living comment 

that all readers are invited to study Mr. Marsden's translation of this terribly 

inhuman document. 

i.7. 

And here is another very significant circumstance. The present successor of 

Herzl, as leader of the Zionist movement, Dr. Weizmann, quoted one of these 

sayings at the send-off banquet given to Chief Rabbi Hertz on October 6, 

1920. The Chief Rabbi was on the point of leaving for his Empire tour of 

H.R.H., the Prince of Wales. And this is the "saying" of the Sages which Dr. 

Weizmann quoted: "A beneficent protection which God has instituted in the 

life of the Jew is that He has dispersed him all over the world." (Jewish 

Guardian, Oct. 8, 1920.) 

i.8. 

Now compare this with the last clause of but one of Protocol XI. 

God has granted to us, His Chosen People, the gift of 

dispersion, and from this, which appears to all eyes to be our 

weakness, has come forth all our strength, which has now 

brought us to the threshold of sovereignty over all the world. 

i.9. 

The remarkable correspondence between these passages proves several 

things. It proves that the Learned Elders exist. It proves that Dr. Weizmann 

knows all about them. It proves that the desire for a "National Home" in 

Palestine is only camouflage and an infinitesimal part of the Jew's real object. 

It proves that the Jews of the world have no intention of settling in Palestine 

or any separate country, and that their annual prayer that they may all meet 

"Next Year in Jerusalem" is merely a piece of their characteristic makebelieve. 

It also demonstrates that the Jews are now a world menace, and that 

the Aryan races will have to domicile them permanently out of Europe. 

Who are the Elders? 

i.10. 



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This is a secret which has not been revealed. They are the Hidden hand. 

They are not the "Board of Deputies" (the Jewish Parliament in England) or 

the "Universal Israelite Alliance" which sits in Paris. But the late Walter 

Rathenau of the Allgemeiner Electricitaets Gesellschaft has thrown a little 

light on the subject and doubtless he was in possession of their names, 

being, in all likelihood, one of the chief leaders himself. Writing in the Wiener 

Freie Presse, December 24, 1912, he said: 

"Three hundred men, each of whom knows all the others, 

govern the fate of the European continent, and they elect their 

successors from their entourage." 

i.11. 

In the year 1844, on the eve of the Jewish Revolution of 1848, Benjamin 

Disraeli, whose real name was Israel, and who was a " damped," or baptised 

Jew, published his novel, Coningsby, in which occurs this ominous passage: 

The world is governed by very different personages from what 

is imagined by those who are not behind the scenes. 

And he went on to show that these personages were all Jews. 

i.12. 

Now that Providence has brought to the light of day these secret Protocols all 

men may clearly see the hidden personages specified by Disraeli at work 

"behind the scenes" of all the Governments. This revelation entails on all 

white peoples the grave responsibility of examining and revising au fond their 

attitude towards the Race and Nation which boasts of its survival over all 

Empires. 

Notes 

Notes I. "Agentur" and "The Political." 



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n.1. 

THERE ARE TWO WORDS in this translation which are unusual, the word 

"Agentur" and "political" used as a substantive. Agentur appears to be a word 

adopted from the original and it means the whole body of agents and 

agencies made use of by the Elders, whether members of the tribe or their 

Gentile tools. 

n.2. 

By "the Political" Mr. Marsden means, not exactly the "body politic" but the 

entire machinery of politics. 

Notes II. The Symbolic Snake of Judaism. 

n.3. 

Protocol III opens with a reference to the Symbolic Snake of Judaism. In his 

Epilogue to the 1905 Edition of the Protocols, Nilus gives the following 

interesting account of this symbol: 

n.4. 

"According to the records of secret Jewish Zionism, Solomon and other 

Jewish learned men already, in 929 B.C., thought out a scheme in theory for 

a peaceful conquest of the whole universe by Zion. 

n.5. 

As history developed, this scheme was worked out in detail and completed by 

men who were subsequently initiated in this question. These learned men 

decided by peaceful means to conquer the world for Zion with the slyness of 

the Symbolic Snake, whose head was to represent those who have been 

initiated into the plans of the Jewish administration, and the body of the 

Snake to represent the Jewish people—the administration was always kept 

secret, even from the Jewish nation itself. As this Snake penetrated into the 

hearts of the nations which it encountered it undermined and devoured all the 

non-Jewish power of these States. It is foretold that the Snake has still to 

finish its work, strictly adhering to the designed plan, until the course which it 

has to run is closed by the return of its head to Zion and until, by this means, 

the Snake has completed its round of Europe and has encircled it—and until, 



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by dint of enchaining Europe, it has encompassed the whole world. This it is 

to accomplish by using every endeavor to subdue the other countriesby an 

economical conquest. 

n.6. 

The return of the head of the Snake to Zion can only be accomplished after 

the power of all the Sovereign of Europe has been laid low, that is to say, 

when by means of economic crises and wholesale destruction effected 

everywhere, there shall have been brought about a spiritual demoralization 

and a moral corruption, chiefly with the assistance of Jewish women 

masquerading as French, Italians, etc.. These are the surest spreaders of 

licentiousness into the lives of the leading men at the heads of nations. 

n.7. 

A map of the course of the Symbolic Snake is shown as follows: Its first stage 

in Europe was in 429 B.C. in Greece, where, about the time of Pericles, the 

Snake first started eating into the power of that country. The second stage 

was in Rome in the time of Augustus, about 69 B.C.. The third in Madrid in 

the time of Charles V, in A.D. 1552. The fourth in Paris about 1790, in the 

time of Louis XVI. The fifth in London from 1814 onwards (after the downfall 

of Napoleon). The sixth in Berlin in 1871 after the Franco-Prussian war. The 

seventh in St. Petersburg, over which is drawn the head of the Snake under 

the date of 1881. 

n.8. 

All these States which the Snake traversed have had the foundations of their 

constitutions shaken, Germany, with its apparent power, forming no 

exception to the rule. In economic conditions, England and Germany are 

spared, but only till the conquest of Russia is accomplished by the Snake, on 

which at present [i.e., 1905] all its efforts are concentrated. The further course 

of the Snake is not shown on this map, but arrows indicate its next movement 

towards Moscow, Kieff and Odessa. 

n.9. 

It is now well known to us to what extent the latter cities form the centuries of 

the militant Jewish race. Constantinople is shown as the last stage of the 

Snake's course before it reaches Jerusalem. (This map was drawn years 

before the occurrence of the "Young Turk"—i.e., Jewish—Revolution in 

Turkey). 



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Notes III. Goyim. 

n.10. 

The term "Goyim," meaning Gentile or non-Jews, is used throughout the 

Protocols and is retained by Mr. Marsden. 

PROTOCOL 1 

Summary 

Right lies in might • Freedom—an idea only • Liberalism • Gold • Faith • Self- 

Government • Despotism of Capital • The internal foe • The Mob • Anarchy • 

Politics versus Morals • The Right of the Strong • The Invincibility of Jew- 

Masonic authority • End justifies Means • The Mob a Blind Man • Political 

A.B.C. • Party Discord • Most satisfactory form of rule—Despotism • Alcohol • 

Classicism • Corruption • Principles and rules of the Jew-Masonic 

Government • Terror • "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" • Principle of Dynastic 

Rule • Annihilation of the privileges of the Goy-Aristocracy (i.e., non-Jew) • 

The New Aristocracy • The psychological calculation • Abstractness of 

"Liberty" • Power of Removal of representatives of the people 

1.1. 

. . . . PUTTING ASIDE FINE PHRASES we shall speak of the significance of 

each thought: by comparisons and deductions we shall throw light upon 

surrounding facts. 

1.2. 



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What I am about to set forth, then, is our system from the two points of view, 

that of ourselves and that of the goyim [i.e., non-Jews]. 

1.3. 

It must be noted that men with bad instincts are more in number than the 

good, and therefore the best results in governing them are attained by 

violence and terrorisation, and not by academic discussions. Every man aims 

at power, everyone would like to become a dictator if only he could, and rare 

indeed are the men who would not be willing to sacrifice the welfare of all for 

the sake of securing their own welfare. 

1.4. 

What has restrained the beasts of prey who are called men? What has 

served for their guidance hitherto? 

1.5. 

In the beginnings of the structure of society, they were subjected to brutal and 

blind force; after words—to Law, which is the same force, only disguised. I 

draw the conclusion that by the law of nature right lies in force. 

1.6. 

Political freedom is an idea but not a fact. This idea one must know how to 

apply whenever it appears necessary with this bait of an idea to attract the 

masses of the people to one's party for the purpose of crushing another who 

is in authority. This task is rendered easier of the opponent has himself been 

infected with the idea of freedom, so-called liberalism, and, for the sake of an 

idea, is willing to yield some of his power. It is precisely here that the triumph 

of our theory appears; the slackened reins of government are immediately, by 

the law of life, caught up and gathered together by a new hand, because the 

blind might of the nation cannot for one single day exist without guidance, 

and the new authority merely fits into the place of the old already weakened 

by liberalism. 

1.7. 

In our day the power which has replaced that of the rulers who were liberal is 

the power of Gold. Time was when Faith ruled. The idea of freedom is 

impossible of realization because no one knows how to use it with 

moderation. It is enough to hand over a people to self-government for a 

certain length of time for that people to be turned into a disorganized mob. 



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From that moment on we get internecine strife which soon develops into 

battles between classes, in the midst of which States burn down and their 

importance is reduced to that of a heap of ashes. 

1.8. 

Whether a State exhausts itself in its own convulsions, whether its internal 

discord brings it under the power of external foes—in any case it can be 

accounted irretrievable lost: it is in our power. The despotism of Capital, 

which is entirely in our hands, reaches out to it a straw that the State, willynilly, 

must take hold of: if not—it goes to the bottom. 

1.9. 

Should anyone of a liberal mind say that such reflections as the above are 

immoral, I would put the following questions: If every State has two foes and 

if in regard to the external foe it is allowed and not considered immoral to use 

every manner and art of conflict, as for example to keep the enemy in 

ignorance of plans of attack and defense, to attack him by night or in superior 

numbers, then in what way can the same means in regard to a worse foe, the 

destroyer of the structure of society and the commonweal, be called immoral 

and not permissible? 

1.10. 

Is it possible for any sound logical mind to hope with any success to guide 

crowds by the aid of reasonable counsels and arguments, when any 

objection or contradiction, senseless though it may be, can be made and 

when such objection may find more favor with the people, whose powers of 

reasoning are superficial? Men in masses and the men of the masses, being 

guided solely by petty passions, paltry beliefs, traditions and sentimental 

theorems, fall a prey to party dissension, which hinders any kind of 

agreement even on the basis of a perfectly reasonable argument. Every 

resolution of a crowd depends upon a chance or packed majority, which, in its 

ignorance of political secrets, puts forth some ridiculous resolution that lays in 

the administration a seed of anarchy. 

1.11. 

The political has nothing in common with the moral. The ruler who is 

governed by the moral is not a skilled politician, and is therefore unstable on 

his throne. He who wishes to rule must have recourse both to cunning and to 

make-believe. Great national qualities, like frankness and honesty, are vices 

in politics, for they bring down rulers from their thrones more effectively and 



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more certainly than the most powerful enemy. Such qualities must be the 

attributes of the kingdoms of the goyim, but we must in no wise be guided by 

them. 

1.12. 

Our right lies in force. The word "right" is an abstract thought and proved by 

nothing. The word means no more than: Give me what I want in order that 

thereby I may have a proof that I am stronger than you. 

1.13. 

Where does right begin? Where does it end? 

1.14. 

In any State in which there is a bad organization of authority, an impersonality 

of laws and of the rulers who have lost their personality amid the flood of 

rights ever multiplying out of liberalism, I find a new right—to attack by the 

right of the strong, and to scatter to the winds all existing forces of order and 

regulation, to reconstruct all institutions and to become the sovereign lord of 

those who have left to us the rights of their power by laying them down 

voluntarily in their liberalism. 

1.15. 

Our power in the present tottering condition of all forms of power will be more 

invincible than any other, because it will remain invisible until the moment 

when it has gained such strength that no cunning can any longer undermine 

it. 

1.16. 

Out of the temporary evil we are now compelled to commit will emerge the 

good of an unshakable rule, which will restore the regular course of the 

machinery of the national life, brought to naught by liberalism. The result 

justifies the means. Let us, however, in our plans, direct our attention not so 

much to what is good and moral as to what is necessary and useful. 

1.17. 

Before us is a plan in which is laid down strategically the line from which we 

cannot deviate without running the risk of seeing the labor of many centuries 

brought to naught. 



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1.18. 

In order to elaborate satisfactory forms of action it is necessary to have 

regard to the rascality, the slackness, the instability of the mob, its lack of 

capacity to understand and respect the conditions of its own life, or its own 

welfare. It must be understood that the might of a mob is blind, senseless and 

unreasoning force ever at the mercy of a suggestion from any side. The blind 

cannot lead the blind without bringing them into the abyss; consequently, 

members of the mob, upstarts from the people even though they should be 

as a genius for wisdom, yet having no understanding of the political, cannot 

come forward as leaders of the mob without bringing the whole nation to ruin. 

1.19. 

Only one trained from childhood for independent rule can have understanding 

of the words that can be made up of the political alphabet. 

1.20. 

A people left to itself, i.e., to upstarts from its midst, brings itself to ruin by 

party dissensions excited by the pursuit of power and honors and the 

disorders arising therefrom. Is it possible for the masses of the people calmly 

and without petty jealousies to form judgment, to deal with the affairs of the 

country, which cannot be mixed up with personal interest? Can they defend 

themselves from an external foe? It is unthinkable; for a plan broken up into 

as many parts as there are heads in the mob, loses all homogeneity, and 

thereby becomes unintelligible and impossible of execution. 

1.21. 

It is only with a despotic ruler that plans can be elaborated extensively and 

clearly in such a way as to distribute the whole properly among the several 

parts of the machinery of the State: from this the conclusion is inevitable that 

a satisfactory form of government for any country is one that concentrates in 

the hands of one responsible person. Without an absolute despotism there 

can be no existence for civilization which is carried on not by the masses but 

by their guide, whosoever that person may be. The mob is savage, and 

displays its savagery at every opportunity. The moment the mob seizes 

freedom in its hands it quickly turns to anarchy, which in itself is the highest 

degree of savagery. 

1.22. 

Behold the alcoholic animals, bemused with drink, the right to an immoderate 



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use of which comes along with freedom. It is not for us and ours to walk that 

road. The peoples of the goyim are bemused with alcoholic liquors; their 

youth has grown stupid on classicism and from early immorality, into which it 

has been inducted by our special agents—by tutors, lackeys, governesses in 

the houses of the wealthy, by clerks and others, by our women in the places 

of dissipation frequented by the goyim. In the number of these last I count 

also the so-called "society ladies," voluntary followers of the others in 

corruption and luxury. 

1.23. 

Our countersign is—Force and Make-believe. Only force conquers in political 

affairs, especially if it be concealed in the talents essential to statesmen. 

Violence must be the principle, and cunning and make-believe the rule for 

governments which do not want to lay down their crowns at the feet of agents 

of some new power. This evil is the one and only means to attain the end, the 

good. Therefore we must not stop at bribery, deceit and treachery when they 

should serve towards the attainment of our end. In politics one must know 

how to seize the property of others without hesitation if by it we secure 

submission and sovereignty. 

1.24. 

Our State, marching along the path of peaceful conquest, has the right to 

replace the horrors of war by less noticeable and more satisfactory sentences 

of death, necessary to maintain the terror which tends to produce blind 

submission. Just but merciless severity is the greatest factor of strength in the 

State: not only for the sake of gain but also in the name of duty, for the sake 

of victory, we must keep to the programme of violence and make-believe. 

The doctrine of squaring accounts is precisely as strong as the means of 

which it makes use. Therefore it is not so much by the means themselves as 

by the doctrine of severity that we shall triumph and bring all governments 

into subjection to our Super-Government. It is enough for them to know that 

we are too merciless for all disobedience to cease. 

1.25. 

Far back in ancient times we were the first to cry among the masses of the 

people the words "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," words many times repeated 

since these days by stupid poll-parrots who, from all sides around, flew down 

upon these baits and with them carried away the well-being of the world, true 

freedom of the individual, formerly so well guarded against the pressure of 

the mob. The would-be wise men of the goyim, the intellectuals, could not 

make anything out of the uttered words in their abstractedness; did not see 



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that in nature there is no equality, cannot be freedom: that Nature herself has 

established inequality of minds, of characters, and capacities, just as 

immutably as she has established subordination to her laws: never stopped 

to think that the mob is a blind thing, that upstarts elected from among it to 

bear rule are, in regard to the political, the same blind men as the mob itself, 

that the adept, though he be a fool, can yet rule, whereas the non-adept, 

even if he were a genius, understands nothing in the political—to all those 

things the goyim paid no regard; yet all the time it was based upon these 

things that dynastic rule rested: the father passed on to the son a knowledge 

of the course of political affairs in such wise that none should know it but 

members of the dynasty and none could betray it to the governed. As time 

went on, the meaning of the dynastic transference of the true position of 

affairs in the political was lost, and this aided the success of our cause. 

1.26. 

In all corners of the earth the words "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," brought to 

our ranks, thanks to our blind agents, whole legions who bore our banners 

with enthusiasm. And all the time these words were canker-worms at work 

boring into the well-being of the goyim, putting an end everywhere to peace, 

quiet, solidarity and destroying all the foundations of the goya States. As you 

will see later, this helped us to our triumph: it gave us the possibility, among 

other things, of getting into our hands the master card—the destruction of the 

privileges, or in other words of the very existence of the aristocracy of the 

goyim, that class which was the only defense peoples and countries had 

against us. On the ruins of the eternal and genealogical aristocracy of the 

goyim we have set up the aristocracy of our educated class headed by the 

aristocracy of money. The qualifications for this aristocracy we have 

established in wealth, which is dependent upon us, and in knowledge, for 

which our learned elders provide the motive force. 

1.27. 

Our triumph has been rendered easier by the fact that in our relations with the 

men, whom we wanted, we have always worked upon the most sensitive 

chords of the human mind, upon the cash account, upon the cupidity, upon 

the insatiability for material needs of man; and each one of these human 

weaknesses, taken alone, is sufficient to paralyze initiative, for it hands over 

the will of men to the disposition of him who has bought their activities. 

1.28. 

The abstraction of freedom has enabled us to persuade the mob in all 

countries that their government is nothing but the steward of the people who 



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are the owners of the country, and that the steward may be replaced like a 

worn-out glove. 

1.29. 

It is this possibility of replacing the representatives of the people which has 

placed at our disposal, and, as it were, given us the power of appointment. 

PROTOCOL 2 

Summary 

Economic wars—the foundation of the Jewish predominance • Figure-head 

government and "secret advisers" • Successes of destructive doctrines • 

Adaptability in politics • Part played by the Press • Cost of gold and value of 

Jewish sacrifice 

2.1. 

IT IS INDISPENSABLE FOR OUR PURPOSE that wars, so far as possible, 

should not result in territorial gains: war will thus be brought on to the 

economic ground, where the nations will not fail to perceive in the assistance 

we give the strength of our predominance, and this state of things will put 

both sides at the mercy of our international agentur; which possesses millions 

of eyes ever on the watch and unhampered by any limitations whatsoever. 

Our international rights will then wipe out national rights, in the proper sense 

of right, and will rule the nations precisely as the civil law of States rules the 

relations of their subjects among themselves. 

2.2. 

The administrators, whom we shall choose from among the public, with strict 

regard to their capacities for servile obedience, will not be persons trained in 



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the arts of government, and will therefore easily become pawns in our game 

in the hands of men of learning and genius who will be their advisers, 

specialists bred and reared from early childhood to rule the affairs of the 

whole world. As is well known to you, these specialists of ours have been 

drawing to fit them for rule the information they need from our political plans 

from the lessons of history, from observations made of the events of every 

moment as it passes. The goyim are not guided by practical use of 

unprejudiced historical observation, but by theoretical routine without any 

critical regard for consequent results. We need not, therefore, take any 

account of them—let them amuse themselves until the hour strikes, or live on 

hopes of new forms of enterprising pastime, or on the memories of all they 

have enjoyed. For them let that play the principal part which we have 

persuaded them to accept as the dictates of science (theory). It is with this 

object in view that we are constantly, by means of our press, arousing a blind 

confidence in these theories. The intellectuals of the goyim will puff 

themselves up with their knowledges and without any logical verification of 

them will put into effect all the information available from science, which our 

agentur specialists have cunningly pieced together for the purpose of 

educating their minds in the direction we want. 

2.3. 

Do not suppose for a moment that these statements are empty words: think 

carefully of the successes we arranged for Darwinism, Marxism, Nietzscheism. 

To us Jews, at any rate, it should be plain to see what a disintegrating 

importance these directives have had upon the minds of the goyim. 

2.4. 

It is indispensable for us to take account of the thoughts, characters, 

tendencies of the nations in order to avoid making slips in the political and in 

the direction of administrative affairs. The triumph of our system of which the 

component parts of the machinery may be variously disposed according to 

the temperament of the peoples met on our way, will fail of success if the 

practical application of it be not based upon a summing up of the lessons of 

the past in the light of the present. 

2.5. 

In the hands of the States of today there is a great force that creates the 

movement of thought in the people, and that is the Press. The part played by 

the Press is to keep pointing our requirements supposed to be indispensable, 

to give voice to the complaints of the people, to express and to create 

discontent. It is in the Press that the triumph of freedom of speech finds its 



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incarnation. But the goyim States have not known how to make use of this 

force; and it has fallen into our hands. Through the Press we have gained the 

power to influence while remaining ourselves in the shade; thanks to the 

Press we have got the gold in our hands, notwithstanding that we have had to 

gather it out of the oceans of blood and tears. But it has paid us, though we 

have sacrificed many of our people. Each victim on our side is worth in the 

sight of God a thousand goyim. 

PROTOCOL 3 

Summary 

The Symbolic Snake and its significance • The instability of the constitutional 

scales • Terror in the palaces • Power and ambition • Parliaments "talkeries," 

pamphlets • Abuse of power • Economic slavery • "People's Rights" • 

Monopolist system and the aristocracy • The Army of Mason-Jewry • 

Decrescence of the Goyim • Hunger and rights of capital • The mob and the 

coronation of "The Sovereign Lord of all the World" • The fundamental 

precept in the programme of the future Masonic national schools • The secret 

of the science of the structure of society • Universal economic crisis • Security 

of "ours" (i.e., our people, Jews) • The despotism of Masonry—the kingdom 

of reason • Loss of the guide • Masonry and the great French Revolution • 

The King-Despot of the blood of Zion • Causes of in the invincibility of 

Masonry • Part played by secret masonic agents • Freedom 

3.1. 

TODAY I MAY TELL YOU that our goal is now only a few steps off. There 

remains a small space to cross and the whole long path we have trodden is 

ready now to close its cycle of the Symbolic Snake, by which we symbolize 

our people. When this ring closes, all the States of Europe will be locked in its 

coil as in a powerful vice. 



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3.2. 

The constitution scales of these days will shortly break down, for we have 

established them with a certain lack of accurate balance in order that they 

may oscillate incessantly until they wear through the pivot on which they turn. 

The goyim are under the impression that they have welded them sufficiently 

strong and they have all along kept on expecting that the scales would come 

into equilibrium. But the pivots—the kings on their thrones—are hemmed in 

by their representatives, who play the fool, distraught with their own 

uncontrolled and irresponsible power. This power they owe to the terror which 

has been breathed into the palaces. As they have no means of getting at their 

people, into their very midst, the kings on their thrones are no longer able to 

come to terms with them and so strengthen themselves against seekers after 

power. We have made a gulf between the far-seeing Sovereign Power and 

the blind force of the people so that both have lost all meaning, for like the 

blind man and his stick, both are powerless apart. 

3.3. 

In order to incite seekers after power to a misuse of power we have set all 

forces in opposition one to another, breaking up their liberal tendencies 

towards independence. To this end we have stirred up every form of 

enterprise, we have armed all parties, we have set up authority as a target for 

every ambition. Of States we have made gladiatorial arenas where a lot of 

confused issues contend . . . . A little more, and disorders and bankruptcy will 

be universal . . . . 

3.4. 

Babblers, inexhaustible, have turned into oratorical contests the sittings of 

Parliament and Administrative Boards. Bold journalists and unscrupulous 

pamphleteers daily fall upon executive officials. Abuses of power will put the 

final touch in preparing all institutions for their overthrow and everything will 

fly skyward under the blows of the maddened mob. 

3.5. 

All people are chained down to heavy toil by poverty more firmly than ever. 

They were chained by slavery and serfdom; from these, one way and 

another, they might free themselves. These could be settled with, but from 

want they will never get away. We have included in the constitution such 

rights as to the masses appear fictitious and not actual rights. All these socalled 

"Peoples Rights" can exist only in idea, an idea which can never be 

realized in practical life. What is it to the proletariat laborer, bowed double 



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over his heavy toil, crushed by his lot in life, if talkers get the right to babble, if 

journalists get the right to scribble any nonsense side by side with good stuff, 

once the proletariat has no other profit out of the constitution save only those 

pitiful crumbs which we fling them from our table in return for their voting in 

favor of what we dictate, in favor of the men we place in power, the servants 

of our agentur . . . Republican rights for a poor man are no more than a bitter 

piece of irony, for the necessity he is under of toiling almost all day gives him 

no present use of them, but the other hand robs him of all guarantee of 

regular and certain earnings by making him dependent on strikes by his 

comrades or lockouts by his masters. 

3.6. 

The people, under our guidance, have annihilated the aristocracy, who were 

their one and only defense and foster- mother for the sake of their own 

advantage which is inseparably bound up with the well-being of the people. 

Nowadays, with the destruction of the aristocracy, the people have fallen into 

the grips of merciless money-grinding scoundrels who have laid a pitiless and 

cruel yoke upon the necks of the workers. 

3.7. 

We appear on the scene as alleged saviours of the worker from this 

oppression when we propose to him to enter the ranks of our fighting 

forces—Socialists, Anarchists, Communists—to whom we always give 

support in accordance with an alleged brotherly rule (of the solidarity of all 

humanity) of our social masonry. The aristocracy, which enjoyed by law the 

labor of the workers, was interested in seeing that the workers were well fed, 

healthy, and strong. We are interested in just the opposite—in the diminution, 

the killing out of the goyim. Our power is in the chronic shortness of food and 

physical weakness of the worker because by all that this implies he is made 

the slave of our will, and he will not find in his own authorities either strength 

or energy to set against our will. Hunger creates the right of capital to rule the 

worker more surely than it was given to the aristocracy by the legal authority 

of kings. 

3.8. 

By want and the envy and hatred which it engenders we shall move the mobs 

and with their hands we shall wipe out all those who hinder us on our way. 

3.9. 

When the hour strikes for our Sovereign Lord of all the World to be crowned it 



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is these same hands which will sweep away everything that might be a 

hindrance thereto. 

3.10. 

The goyim have lost the habit of thinking unless prompted by the suggestions 

of our specialists. Therefore they do not see the urgent necessity of what we, 

when our kingdom comes, shall adopt at once, namely this, that it is essential 

to teach in national schools one simple, true piece of knowledge, the basis of 

all knowledge—the knowledge of the structure of human life, of social 

existence, which requires division of labour, and, consequently, the division of 

men into classes and conditions. It is essential for all to know that owing to 

difference in the objects of human activity there cannot be any equality, that 

he, who by any act of his compromises a whole class, cannot be equally 

responsible before the law with him who affects no one but only his own 

honor. The true knowledge of the structure of society, into the secrets of 

which we do not admit the goyim, would demonstrate to all men that the 

positions and work must be kept within a certain circle, that they may not 

become a source of human suffering, arising from an education which does 

not correspond with the work which individuals are called upon to do. After a 

thorough study of this knowledge, the peoples will voluntarily submit to 

authority and accept such position as is appointed them in the State. In the 

present state of knowledge and the direction we have given to its 

development of the people, blindly believing things in print—cherishes— 

thanks to promptings intended to mislead and to its own ignorance—a blind 

hatred towards all conditions which it considers above itself, for it has no 

understanding of the meaning of class and condition. 

3.11. 

This hatred will be still further magnified by the effects of an economic crisis, 

which will stop dealing on the exchanges and bring industry to a standstill. 

We shall create by all the secret subterranean methods open to us and with 

the aid of gold, which is all in our hands, a universal economic crisis whereby 

we shall throw upon the streets whole mobs of workers simultaneously in all 

the countries of Europe. These mobs will rush delightedly to shed the blood 

of those whom, in the simplicity of their ignorance, they have envied from 

their cradles, and whose property they will then be able to loot. 

3.12. 

"Ours" they will not touch, because the moment of the attack will be known to 

us and we shall take measures to protect our own. 



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3.13. 

We have demonstrated that progress will bring all the goyim to the 

sovereignty of reason. Our despotism will be precisely that; for it will know 

how, by wise severities, to pacificate all unrest, to cauterize liberalism out of 

all institutions. 

3.14. 

When the populace has seen that all sorts of concessions and indulgences 

are yielded it, in the same name of freedom it has imagined itself to be 

sovereign lord and has stormed its way to power, but, naturally like every 

other blind man, it has come upon a host of stumbling blocks. It has rushed to 

find a guide, it has never had the sense to return to the former state and it 

has laid down its plenipotentiary powers at our feet. Remember the French 

Revolution, to which it was we who gave the name of "Great:" the secrets of 

its preparations are well known to us for it was wholly the work of our hands. 

3.15. 

Ever since that time we have been leading the peoples from one 

disenchantment to another, so that in the end they should turn also from us in 

favor of that King-Despot of the blood of Zion, whom we are preparing for the 

world. 

3.16. 

At the present day we are, as an international force, invincible, because if 

attacked by some we are supported by other States. It is the bottomless 

rascality of the goyim peoples, who crawl on their bellies to force, but are 

merciless towards weakness, unsparing to faults and indulgent to crimes, 

unwilling to bear the contradictions of a free social system but patient unto 

martyrdom under the violence of a bold despotism—it is those qualities which 

are aiding us to independence. From the premier-dictators of the present day, 

the goyim peoples suffer patiently and bear such abuses as for the least of 

them they would have beheaded twenty kings. 

3.17. 

What is the explanation of this phenomenon, this curious inconsequence of 

the masses of the peoples in their attitude towards what would appear to be 

events of the same order? 

3.18. 



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It is explained by the fact that these dictators whisper to the peoples through 

their agents that through these abuses they are inflicting injury on the States 

with the highest purpose—to secure the welfare of the peoples, the 

international brotherhood of them all, their solidarity and equality of rights. 

Naturally they do not tell the peoples that this unification must be 

accomplished only under our sovereign rule. 

3.19. 

And thus the people condemn the upright and acquit the guilty, persuaded 

ever more and more that it can do whatsoever it wishes. Thanks to this state 

of things, the people are destroying every kind of stability and creating 

disorders at every step. 

3.20. 

The word "freedom" brings out the communities of men to fight against every 

kind of force, against every kind of authority even against God and the laws 

of nature. For this reason we, when we come into our kingdom, shall have to 

erase this word from the lexicon of life as implying a principle of brute force 

which turns mobs into bloodthirsty beasts. 

3.21. 

These beasts, it is true, fall asleep again every time when they have drunk 

their fill of blood, and at such time can easily be riveted into their chains. But 

if they be not given blood they will not sleep and continue to struggle. 

PROTOCOL 4 

Summary 

Stages of a Republic • Gentile Masonry • Freedom and Faith • International 

Industrial Competition • Role of Speculation • Cult of Gold 



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4.1. 

EVERY REPUBLIC passes through several stages. The first of these is 

comprised in the early days of mad raging by the blind mob, tossed hither 

and thither, right and left: the second is demagogy from which is born 

anarchy, and that leads inevitably to despotism—not any longer legal and 

overt, and therefore responsible despotism, but to unseen and secretly 

hidden, yet nevertheless sensibly felt despotism in the hands of some secret 

organization or other, whose acts are the more unscrupulous inasmuch as it 

works behind a screen, behind the backs of all sorts of agents, the changing 

of whom not only does not injuriously affect but actually aids the secret force 

by saving it, thanks to continual changes, from the necessity of expanding its 

resources on the rewarding of long services. 

4.2. 

Who and what is in a position to overthrow an invisible force? And this is 

precisely what our force is. Gentile masonry blindly serves as a screen for us 

and our objects, but the plan of action of our force, even its very abidingplace, 

remains for the whole people an unknown mystery. 

4.3. 

But even freedom might be harmless and have its place in the State economy 

without injury to the well-being of the peoples if it rested upon the foundation 

of faith in God, upon the brotherhood of humanity, unconnected with the 

conception of equality, which is negatived by the very laws of creation, for 

they have established subordination. With such a faith as this a people might 

be governed by a wardship of parishes, and would walk contentedly and 

humbly under the guiding hand of its spiritual pastor submitting to the 

dispositions of God upon earth. This is the reason why it is indispensible for 

us to undermine all faith, to tear out of the mind of the goyim the very 

principle of Godhead and the spirit, and to put in its place arithmetical 

calculations and material needs. 

4.4. 

In order to give the goyim no time to think and take note, their minds must be 

diverted towards industry and trade. Thus, all the nations will be swallowed 

up in the pursuit of gain and in the race for it will not take note of their 

common foe. But again, in order that freedom may once for all disintegrate 

and ruin the communities of the goyim, we must put industry on a speculative 



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basis: the result of this will be that what is withdrawn from the land by industry 

will slip through the hands and pass into speculation, that is, to our classes. 

4.5. 

The intensified struggle for superiority and shocks delivered to economic life 

will create, nay, have already created, disenchanted, cold and heartless 

communities. Such communities will foster a strong aversion towards the 

higher political and towards religion. Their only guide is gain, that is gold, 

which they will erect into a veritable cult, for the sake of those material 

delights which it can give. Then will the hour strike when, not for the sake of 

attaining the good, not even to win wealth, but solely out of hatred towards 

the privileged, the lower classes of the goyim will follow our lead against our 

rivals for power, the intellectuals of the goyim. 

PROTOCOL 5 

Summary 

Creation of an intensified centralisation of government • Methods of seizing 

power by masonry • Causes of the impossibility of agreement between 

States • The state of "predestination" of the Jews • Gold—the engine of the 

machinery of States • Significance of criticism • "Show" institutions • 

Weariness from word-spinning • How to take a grip of public opinion • 

Significance of personal initiative • The Super-Government 

5.1. 

WHAT FORM OF ADMINISTRATIVE RULE can be given to communities in 

which corruption has penetrated everywhere, communities where riches are 

attained only by the clever surprise tactics of semi-swindling tricks; where 

loseness reigns: where morality is maintained by penal measures and harsh 

laws but not by voluntarily accepted principles: where the feelings towards 



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faith and country are obligated by cosmopolitan convictions? What form of 

rule is to be given to these communities if not that despotism which I shall 

describe to you later? We shall create an intensified centralization of 

government in order to grip in our hands all the forces of the community. We 

shall regulate mechanically all the actions of the political life of our subjects 

by new laws. These laws will withdraw one by one all the indulgences and 

liberties which have been permitted by the goyim, and our kingdom will be 

distinguished by a despotism of such magnificent proportions as to be at any 

moment and in every place in a position to wipe out any goyim who oppose 

us by deed or word. 

5.2. 

We shall be told that such a despotism as I speak of is not consistent with the 

progress of these days, but I will prove to you that it is. 

5.3. 

In the times when the peoples looked upon kings on their thrones as on a 

pure manifestation of the will of God, they submitted without a murmur to the 

despotic power of kings: but from the day when we insinuated into their minds 

the conception of their own rights they began to regard the occupants of 

thrones as mere ordinary mortals. The holy unction of the Lord's Anointed 

has fallen from the heads of kings in the eyes of the people, and when we 

also robbed them of their faith in God the might of power was flung upon the 

streets into the place of public proprietorship and was seized by us. 

5.4. 

Moreover, the art of directing masses and individuals by means of cleverly 

manipulated theory and verbitage, by regulations of life in common and all 

sorts of other quirks, in all which the goyim understand nothing, belongs 

likewise to the specialists of our administrative brain. Reared on analysis, 

observation, on delicacies of fine calculation, in this species of skill we have 

no rivals, any more than we have either in the drawing up of plans of political 

actions and solidarity. In this respect the Jesuits alone might have compared 

with us, but we have contrived to discredit them in the eyes of the unthinking 

mob as an overt organization, while we ourselves all the while have kept our 

secret organization in the shade. However, it is probably all the same to the 

world who is its sovereign lord, whether the head of Catholicism or our despot 

of the blood of Zion! But to us, the Chosen People, it is very far from being a 

matter of indifference. 

5.5. 



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For a time perhaps we might be successfully dealt with by a coalition of the 

goyim of all the world: but from this danger we are secured by the discord 

existing among them whose roots are so deeply seated that they can never 

now be plucked up. We have set one against another the personal and 

national reckonings of the goyim, religious and race hatreds, which we have 

fostered into a huge growth in the course of the past twenty centuries. This is 

the reason why there is not one State which would anywhere receive support 

if it were to raise its arm, for every one of them must bear in mind that any 

agreement against us would be unprofitable to itself. We are too strong— 

there is no evading our power. The nations cannont come to even an 

inconsiderable private agreement without our secretly having a hand in it. 

5.6. 

Per Me reges regnant. "It is through me that Kings reign." And it was said by 

the prophets that we were chosen by God Himself to rule over the whole 

earth. God has endowed us with genius that we may be equal to our task. 

Were genius in the opposite camp it would still struggle against us, but even 

so, a newcomer is no match for the old-established settler: the struggle would 

be merciless between us, such a fight as the world has never seen. Aye, and 

the genius on their side would have arrived too late. All the wheels of the 

machinery of all States go by the force of the engine, which is in our hands, 

and that engine of the machinery of States is—gold. The science of political 

economy invented by our learned elders has for long past been giving royal 

prestige to capital. 

5.7. 

Capital, if it is to co-operate untrammeled, must be free to establish a 

monopoly of industry and trade: this is already being put in execution by an 

unseen hand in all quarters of the world. This freedom will give political force 

to those engaged in industry, and that will help to oppress the people. 

Nowadays it is more important to disarm the peoples than to lead them into 

war: more important to use for our advantage the passions which have burst 

into flames than to quench their fire: more important to eradicate them. The 

prinicipal object of our directorate consists in this: to debilitate the public mind 

by criticism; to lead it away from serious reflections calculated to arouse 

resistance; to distract the forces of the mind towards a sham fight of empty 

eloquence. 

5.8. 

In all ages the people of the world, equally with individuals, have accepted 

words for deeds, for they are content with a show and rarely pause to note, in 



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the public arena, whether promises are followed by performance. Therefore 

we shall establish show institutions which will give eloquent proof of their 

benefit to progress. 

5.9. 

We shall assume to ourselves the liberal physiognomy of all parties, of all 

directions, and we shall give that physiognomy a voice in orators who will 

speak so much that they will exhause the patience of their hearers and 

produce an abhorrence of oratory. 

5.10. 

In order to put public opinioin into our hands we must bring it into a state of 

bewilderment by giving expression from all sides to so many contradictory 

opinions and for such length of time as will suffice to make the goyim lose 

their heads in the labyrinth and come to see that the best thing is to have no 

opinion of any kind in matters political, which it is not given to the public to 

understand, because they are understood only by him who guides the public. 

This is the first secret. 

5.11. 

The second secret requisite for the success of our government is comprised 

in the following: To multiply to such an extent national failings, habits, 

passions, conditions of civil life, that it will be impossible for anyone to know 

where he is in the resulting chaos, so that the people in consequence will fail 

to understand one another. This measure will also serve us in another way, 

namely, to sow discord in all parties, to dislocate all collective forces which 

are still unwilling to submit to us, and to discourage any kind of personal 

initiative which might in any degree hinder our affair. There is nothing more 

dangerous than personal initiative: if it has genius behind it, such initiative 

can do more than can be done by millions of people among whom we have 

sown discord. We must so direct the education of the goyim communities that 

whenever they come upon a matter requiring initiative they may drop their 

hands in despairing impotence. The strain which results from freedom of 

actions saps the forces when it meets with the freedom of another. From this 

collision arise grave moral shocks, disenchantments, failures. By all these 

means we shall so wear down the goyim that they will be compelled to offer 

us international power of a nature that by its position will enable us without 

any violence gradually to absorb all the state forces of the world and to form a 

Super-Government. In place of the rulers of today we shall set up a bogey 

which will be called the Super-Government Administration. Its hands will 

reach out in all directions like nippers and its organization will be of such 



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colossal dimensions that it cannot fail to subdue all the nations of the world. 

PROTOCOL 6 

Summary 

Monopolies; upon them depend the fortunes of the goyim • Taking of the land 

out of the hands of the aristocracy • Trade, Industry and Speculation • 

Luxury • Rise of wages and increase of price in the articles of primary 

necessity • Anarchism and drunkenness • Secret meaning of the propaganda 

of economic theories 

6.1. 

WE SHALL SOON BEGIN to establish huge monopolies, reservoirs of 

colossal riches, upon which even, large fortunes of the goyim will depend to 

such an extent that they will go to the bottom together with the credit of the 

States on the day after the political smash . . . 

6.2. 

You gentlemen here present who are economists, just strike an estimate of 

the significance of this combination! . . . 

6.3. 

In every possible way we must develop the significance of our Super- 

Government by representing it as the Protector and Benefactor of all those 

who voluntarily submit to us. 

6.4. 

The aristocracy of the goyim as a political force, is dead—We need not take it 



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into account; but as landed proprietors they can still be harmful to us from the 

fact that they are self-sufficing in the resources upon which they live. It is 

essential therefore for us at whatever cost to deprive them of their land. This 

object will be best attained by increasing the burdens upon landed property— 

in loading lands with debts. These measures will check land-holding and 

keep it in a state of humble and un-conditional submission. 

6.5. 

The aristocrats of the goyim, being hereditarily incapable of contenting 

themselves with little, will rapidly burn up and fizzle out. 

6.6. 

At the same time we must intensively patronize trade and industry, but, first 

and foremost, speculation, the part played by which is to provide a 

counterpoise to industry: the absence of speculative industry will multiply 

capital in private hands and will serve to restore agriculture by freeing the 

land from indebtedness to the land banks. What we want is that industry 

should drain off from the land both labor and capital and by means of 

speculation transfer into our hands all the money of the world, and thereby 

throw all the goyim into the ranks of the proletariat. Then the goyim will bow 

down before us, if for no other reason but to get the right to exist. 

6.7. 

To complete the ruin of the industry of the goyim we shall bring to the 

assistance of speculation the luxury which we have developed among the 

goyim, that greedy demand for luxury which is swallowing up everything. We 

shall raise the rate of wages which, however, will not bring any advantage to 

the workers, for, at the same time, we shall produce a rise in prices of the first 

necessaries of life, alleging that it arises from the decline of agriculture and 

cattle-breeding: we shall further undermine artfully and deeply sources of 

production, by accustoming the workers to anarchy and to drunkenness and 

side by side therewith taking all measure to extirpate from the face of the 

Earth all the educated forces of the goyim. 

6.8. 

In order that the true meaning of things may not strike the goyim before the 

proper time we shall mask it under an alleged ardent desire to serve the 

working classes and the great principles of political economy about which our 

economic theories are carrying on an energetic propaganda. 



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PROTOCOL 7 

Summary 

Object of the intensification of armaments • Ferments, discords and hostility 

all over the world • Checking the opposition of the goyim by wars and by a 

universal war • Secrecy means success in the political • The Press and public 

opinion • The guns of America, China and Japan 

7.1. 

THE INTENSIFICATION OF ARMAMENTS, the increase of police forces— 

are all essential for the completion of the aforementioned plans. What we 

have to get at is that there should be in all the States of the world, besides 

ourselves, only the masses of the proletariat, a few millionaires devoted to 

our interests, police and soldiers. 

7.2. 

Throughout all Europe, and by means of relations with Europe, in other 

continents also, we must create ferments, discords and hostility. Therein we 

gain a double advantage. In the first place we keep in check all countries, for 

they will know that we have the power whenever we like to create disorders 

or to restore order. All these countries are accustomed to see in us an 

indispensable force of coercion. In the second place, by our intrigues we shall 

tangle up all the threads which we have stretched into the cabinets of all 

States by means of the political, by economic treaties, or loan obligations. In 

order to succeed in this we must use great cunning and penetration during 

negotiations and agreements, but, as regards what is called the "official 

language," we shall keep to the opposite tactics and assume the mask of 

honesty and complacency. In this way the peoples and governments of the 

goyim, whom we have taught to look only at the outside whatever we present 

to their notice, will still continue to accept us as the benefactors and saviours 



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of the human race. 

7.3. 

We must be in a position to respond to every act of opposition by war with the 

neighbors of that country which dares to oppose us: but if these neighbors 

should also venture to stand collectively together against us, then we must 

offer resistance by a universal war. 

7.4. 

The principal factor of success in the political is the secrecy of its 

undertakings: the word should not agree with the deeds of the diplomat. 

7.5. 

We must compel the governments of the goyim to take action in the direction 

favored by our widely conceived plan, already approaching the desired 

consummation, by what we shall represent as public opinion, secretly 

promoted by us through the means of that so-called "Great Power"—the 

Press, which, with a few exceptions that may be disregarded, is already 

entirely in our hands. 

PROTOCOL 8 

Summary 

Ambiguous employment of juridical rights • Assistants of the Masonic 

directorate • Special schools and super-educational training • Economists and 

millionaires • To whom to entrust responsible posts in the government 

8.1. 



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WE MUST ARM OURSELVES with all the weapons which our opponents 

might employ against us. We must search out in the very finest shades of 

expression and the knotty points of the lexicon of law justification for those 

cases where we shall have to pronounce judgments that might appear 

abnormally audacious and unjust, for it is important that these resolutions 

should be set forth in expressions that shall seem to be the most exalted 

moral principles cast into legal form. Our directorate must surround itself with 

all these forces of civilization among which it will have to work. It will surround 

itself with publicists, practical jurists, administrators, diplomats and, finally, 

with persons prepared by a special super-educational training in our special 

schools. These persons will have consonance of all the secrets of the social 

structure, they will know all the languages that can be made up by political 

alphabets and words; they will be made acquainted with the whole underside 

of human nature, with all its sensitive chords on which they will have to play. 

These chords are the cast of mind of the goyim, their tendencies, shortcomings, 

vices and qualities, the particularities of classes and conditions. 

Needless to say that the talented assistants of authority, of whom I speak, will 

be taken not from among the goyim, who are accustomed to perform their 

administrative work without giving themselves the trouble to think what its aim 

is, and never consider what it is needed for. The administrators of the goyim 

sign papers without reading them, and they serve either for mercenary 

reasons or from ambition. 

8.2. 

We shall surround our government with a whole world of economists. That is 

the reason why economic sciences form the principal subject of the teaching 

given to the Jews. Around us again will be a whole constellation of bankers, 

industrialists, capitalists and—the main thing—millionaires, because in 

substance everything will be settled by the questions of figures. 

8.2. 

For a time, until there will no longer be any risk in entrusting responsible 

posts in our State to our brother-Jews, we shall put them in the hands of 

persons whose past and reputation are such that between them and the 

people lies an abyss, persons who, in case of disobedience to our 

instructions, must face criminal charges or disappear—this in order to make 

them defend our interests to their last gasp. 



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PROTOCOL 9 

Summary 

Application of masonic principles in the matter of re-educating the peoples • 

Masonic watchword • Meaning of Anti-Semitism • Dictatorship of masonry • 

Terror • Who are the servants of masonry • Meaning of the "clear-sighted" 

and the "blind" forces of the goyim States • Communion between authority 

and mob • Licence of liberalism • Seizure of education and training • False 

theories • Interpretation of laws • The "undergrounds" (metropolitains). 

9.1. 

IN APPLYING OUR PRINCIPLES let attention be paid to the character of the 

people in whose country you live and act; a general, identical application of 

them, until such time as the people shall have been re-educated to our 

pattern, cannot have success. But by approaching their application cautiously 

you will see that not a decade will pass before the most stubborn character 

will change and we shall add a new people to the ranks of those already 

subdued by us. 

9.2. 

The words of the liberal, which are in effect the words of our masonic 

watchword, namely, "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," will, when we come into 

our kingdom, be changed by us into words no longer of a watchword, but only 

an expression of idealism, namely, into "The right of liberty, the duty of 

equality, the ideal of brotherhood." That is how we shall put it,—and so we 

shall catch the bull by the horns . . . de facto we have already wiped out every 

kind of rule except our own, although de jure there still remain a good many 

of them. Nowadays, if any States raise a protest against us it is only pro 

forma at our discretion and by our direction, for their anti-Semitism is 

indispensible to us for the management of our lesser brethren. I will not enter 

into further explanations, for this matter has formed the subject of repeated 

discussions amongst us. 

9.3. 



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For us there are not checks to limit the range of our activity. Our Super- 

Government subsists in extra-legal conditions which are described in the 

accepted terminology by the energetic and forcible word—Dictatorship. I am 

in a position to tell you with a clear conscience that at the proper time we, the 

law-givers, shall execute judgment and sentence, we shall slay and we shall 

spare, we, as head of all our troops, are mounted on the steed of the leader. 

We rule by force of will, because in our hands are the fragments of a once 

powerful party, now vanquished by us. And the weapons in our hands are 

limitless ambitions, burning greediness, merciless vengeance, hatreds and 

malice. 

9.4. 

It is from us that the all-engulfing terror proceeds. We have in our service 

persons of all opinions, of all doctrines, restorating monarchists, 

demagogues, socialists, communists, and utopian dreamers of every kind. 

We have harnessed them all to the task: each one of them on his own 

account is boring away at the last remnants of authority, is striving to 

overthrow all established form of order. By these acts all States are in torture; 

they exhort to tranquility, are ready to sacrifice everything for peace: but we 

will not give them peace until they openly acknowledge our international 

Super-Government, and with submissiveness. 

9.5. 

The people have raised a howl about the necessity of settling the question of 

Socialism by way of an international agreement. Division into fractional 

parties has given them into our hands, for, in order to carry on a contested 

struggle one must have money, and the money is all in our hands. 

9.6. 

We might have reason to apprehend a union between the "clear-sighted" 

force of the goy kings on their thrones and the "blind" force of the goy mobs, 

but we have taken all the needful measure against any such possibility: 

between the one and the other force we have erected a bulwark in the shape 

of a mutual terror between them. In this way the blind force of the people 

remains our support and we, and we only, shall provide them with a leader 

and, of course, direct them along the road that leads to our goal. 

9.7. 

In order that the hand of the blind mob may not free itself from our guiding 

hand, we must every now and then enter into close communion with it, if not 



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actually in person, at any rate through some of the most trusty of our 

brethren. When we are acknowledged as the only authority we shall discuss 

with the people personally on the market, places, and we shall instruct them 

on questings of the political in such wise as may turn them in the direction 

that suits us. 

9.8. 

Who is going to verify what is taught in the village schools? But what an 

envoy of the government or a king on his throne himself may say cannot but 

become immediately known to the whole State, for it will be spread abroad by 

the voice of the people. 

9.9. 

In order to annihilate the institutions of the goyim before it is time we have 

touched them with craft and delicacy, and have taken hold of the ends of the 

springs which move their mechanism. These springs lay in a strict but just 

sense of order; we have replaced them by the chaotic license of liberalism. 

We have got our hands into the administration of the law, into the conduct of 

elections, into the press, into liberty of the person, but principally into 

education and training as being the cornerstones of a free existence. 

9.10. 

We have fooled, bemused and corrupted the youth of the goyim by rearing 

them in principles and theories which are known to us to be false although it 

is by us that they have been inculcated. 

9.11. 

Above the existing laws without substantially altering them, and by merely 

twisting them into contradictions of interpretations, we have erected 

something grandiose in the way of results. These results found expression in 

the fact that the interpretations masked the law: afterwards they entirely hid 

them from the eyes of the governments owing to the impossibility of making 

anything out of the tangled web of legislation. 

9.12. 

This is the origin of the theory of course of arbitration. 

9.13. 



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You may say that the goyim will rise upon us, arms in hand, if they guess 

what is going on before the time comes; but in the West we have against this 

a manoeuvre of such appalling terror that the very stoutest hearts quail—the 

undergrounds, metropolitans, those subterranean corridors which, before the 

time comes, will be driven under all the capitals and from whence those 

capitals will be blown into the air with all their organizations and archives. 

PROTOCOL 10 

Summary 

The outside appearances in the political • The "genius" of rascality • What is 

promised by a Masonic coup d'etat? • Universal suffrage • Self-importance • 

Leaders of Masonry • The genius who is guide of Masonry • Institutions and 

their functions • The poison of liberalism • Constitution—school of party 

discords • Era of republics • Presidents—the puppets of Masonry • 

Responsibility of Presidents • "Panama" • Part played by chamber of deputies 

and president • Masonry—the legislative force • New republican constitution • 

Transition to masonic "despotism" • Moment for the proclamation of "The 

Lord of all the World" • Inoculation of diseases and other wiles of Masonry 

10.1. 

TODAY I BEGIN with a repetition of what I said before, and I beg you to bear 

in mind that governments and people are content in the politcal with outside 

appearances. And how, indeed, are the goyim to perceive the underlying 

meaning of things when their representatives give the best of their energies 

to enjoying themselves? For our policy it is of the greatest importance to take 

cognizance of this detail; it will be of assistance to us when we come to 

consider the division of authority of property, of the dwelling, of taxation (the 

idea of concealed taxes), of the reflex force of the laws. All these questions 

are such as ought not to be touched upon directly and openly before the 



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people. In cases where it is indispensable to touch upon them they must not 

be categorically named, it must merely be declared without detailed 

exposition that the principles of contemporary law are acknowledged by us. 

The reason of keeping silence in this respect is that by not naming a principle 

we leave ourselves freedom of action, to drop this or that out of it without 

attracting notice; if they were all categorically named they would all appear to 

have been already given. 

10.2. 

The mob cherishes a special affection and respect for the geniuses of 

political power and accepts all their deeds of violence with the admiring 

response: "rascally, well, yes, it is rascally, but it's clever! . . . a trick, if you 

like, but how craftily played, how magnificently done, what impudent 

audacity!" . . . 

10.3. 

We count upon attracting all nations to the task of erecting the new 

fundamental structure, the project for which has been drawn up by us. This is 

why, before everything, it is indispensable for us to arm ourselves and to 

store up in ourselves that absolutely reckless audacity and irresistible might 

of the spirit which in the person of our active workers will break down all 

hindrances on our way. 

10.4. 

When we have accomplished our coup d'etat we shall say then to the various 

peoples: "Everything has gone terribly badly, all have been worn out with 

suffering. We are destroying the causes of your torment—nationalities, 

frontiers, difference of coinages. You are at liberty, of course, to pronounce 

sentence upon us, but can it possibly be a just one if it is confirmed by you 

before you make any trial of what we are offering you." . . . Then will the mob 

exalt us and bear us up in their hands in a unanimous triumph of hopes and 

expectations. Voting, which we have made the instrument which will set us on 

the throne of the world by teaching even the very smallest units of memebers 

of the human race to vote by means of meetings and agreements by groups, 

will then have served its purposes and will play its part then for the last time 

by a unanimity of desire to make close acquaintance with us before 

condemning us. 

10.5. 

To secure this we must have everybody vote without distinction of classes 



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and qualifications, in order to establish an absolute majority, which cannot be 

got from the educated propertied classes. In this way, by inculcating in all a 

sense of self-importance, we shall destroy among the goyim the importance 

of the family and its educational value and remove the possibility of individual 

minds splitting off, for the mob, handled by us, will not let them come to the 

front nor even give them a hearing; it is accustomed to listen to us only who 

pay it for obedience and attention. In this way we shall create a blind, mighty 

force which will never be in a position to move in any direction without the 

guidance of our agents set at its head by us as leaders of the mob. The 

people will submit to this regime because it will know that upon these leaders 

will depend its earnings, gratifications and the receipt of all kinds of benefits. 

10.6. 

A scheme of government should come ready made from one brain, because 

it will never be clinched firmly if it is allowed to be split into fractional parts in 

the minds of many. It is allowable, therefore, for us to have cognizance of the 

scheme of action but not to discuss it lest we disturb its artfulness, the 

interdependence of its component parts, the practical force of the secret 

meaning of each clause. To discuss and make alterations in a labor of this 

kind by means of numerous votings is to impress upon it the stamp of all 

ratiocinations and misunderstandings which have failed to penetrate the 

depth and nexus of its plottings. We want our schemes to be forcible and 

suitably concocted. Therefore we ought not to fling the work of genius of our 

guide to the fangs of the mob or even of a select company. 

10.7. 

These schemes will not turn existing institutions upside down just yet. They 

will only effect changes in their economy and consequently in the whole 

combined movement of their progress, which will thus be directed along the 

paths laid down in our schemes. 

10.8. 

Under various names there exists in all countries approximately one and the 

same thing. Representation, Ministry, Senate, State Council, Legislative and 

Executive Corps. I need not explain to you the mechanism of the relation of 

these institutions to one another, because you are aware of all that; only take 

note of the fact that each of the above-named institutions corresponds to 

some important function of the State, and I would beg you to remark that the 

word "important" I apply not to the institution but to the function, consequently 

it is not the institutions which are important but their functions. These 

institutions have divided up among themselves all the functions of 



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government—administrative, legislative, executive, wherefore they have 

come to operate as do the organs in the human body. If we injure one part in 

the machinery of State, the State falls sick, like a human body, and . . . will 

die.. 

10.9. 

When we introduced into the State organism the poison of Liberalism its 

whole political complexion underwent a change. States have been seized 

with a mortal illness—blood poisoning. All that remains is to await the end of 

their death agony. 

10.10. 

Liberalism produced Constitutional States, which took the place of what was 

the only safeguard of the goyim, namely, Despotism; and a constitution, as 

you well know, is nothing else but a school of discords, misunderstandings, 

quarrels, disagreements, fruitless party agitations, party whims—in a word, a 

school of everything that serves to destroy the personality of State activity. 

The tribune of the tribune of the "talkerics" has, no less effectively than the 

press, condemned the rulers to inactivity and impotence, and thereby 

rendered them useless and superfluous, for which reason indeed they have 

been in many countries deposed. Then it was that the era of the republics 

became possible of realization; and then it was that we replaced the ruler by 

a caricature of a government—by a president, taken from the mob, from the 

midst of our puppet creatures, our slaves. This was the foundation of the 

mine which we have laid under the goy people, I should rather say, under the 

goy peoples. 

10.11. 

In the near future we shall establish the responsibility of presidents. 

10.12. 

By that time we shall be in a position to disregard forms in carrying through 

matters for which our impersonal puppet will be responsible. What do we care 

if the ranks of those striving for power should be thinned, if there should arise 

a deadlock from the impossibility of finding presidents, a deadlock which will 

finally disorganize the country? . . . 

10.13. 

In order that our scheme may produce this result we shall arrange elections 



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in favor of such presidents as have in their past some dark, undiscovered 

stain, some "Panama" or other—then they will be trustworthy agents for the 

accomplishment of our plans out of fear of revelations and from the natural 

desire of everyone who has attained power, namely, the retention of the 

privileges, advantages and honor connected with the office of president. The 

chamber of deputies will provide cover for, will protect, will elect presidents, 

but we shall take from it the right to propose new, or make changes in 

existing laws, for this right will be given by us to the responsible president, a 

puppet in our hands. Naturally, the authority of the presidents will then 

become a target for every possible form of attack, but we shall provide him 

with a means of self-defense in the right of an appeal to the people, for the 

decision of the people over the heads of their representatives, that is to say, 

an appeal to that some blind slave of ours—the majority of the mob. 

Independently of this we shall invest the president with the right of declaring a 

state of war. We shall justify this last right on the ground that the president as 

chief of the whole army of the country must have it at his disposal, in case of 

need for the defense of the new republican constitution, the right to defend 

which will belong to him as the responsible representative of this constitution. 

10.14. 

It is easy to understand them in these conditions the key of the shrine will lie 

in our hands, and no one outside ourselves will any longer direct the force of 

legislation. 

10.15. 

Besides this we shall, with the introduction of the new republican constitution, 

take from the Chamber the right of interpolation on government measures, on 

the pretext of preserving political secrecy, and, further, we shall by the new 

constitution reduce the number of representatives to a minimum, thereby 

proportionately reducing political passions and the passion for politics. If, 

however, they should, which is hardly to be expected, burst into flame, even 

in this minimum, we shall nullify them by a stirring appeal and a reference to 

the majority of the whole people . . . Upon the president will depend the 

appointment of presidents and vice-presidents of the Chamber and the 

Senate. Instead of constant sessions of Parliaments we shall reduce their 

sittings to a few months. Moreover, the president, as chief of the executive 

power, will have the right to summon and dissolve Parliament, and, in the 

latter case, to prolong the time for the appointment of a new parliamentary 

assembly. But in order that the consequences of all these acts which in 

substance are illegal, should not, prematurely for our plans, upon the 

responsibility established by use of the president, we shall instigate ministers 



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and other officials of the higher administration about the president to evade 

his dispositions by taking measures of their own, for doing which they will be 

made the scapegoats in his place . . . This part we especially recommend to 

be given to be played by the Senate, the Council of State, or the Council of 

Ministers, but not to an individual official. 

10.16. 

The president will, at our discretion, interpret the sense of such of the existing 

laws as admit of various interpretation; he will further annul them when we 

indicate to him the necessity to do so, besides this, he will have the right to 

propose temporary laws, and even new departures in the government 

constitutional working, the pretext both for the one and the other being the 

requirements for the supreme welfare of the State. 

10.17. 

By such measure we shall obtain the power of destroying little by little, step 

by step, all that at the outset when we enter on our rights, we are compelled 

to introduce into the constitutions of States to prepare for the transition to an 

imperceptible abolition of every kind of constitution, and then the time is come 

to turn every form of government into our despotism. 

10.18. 

The recognition of our despot may also come before the destruction of the 

constitution; the moment for this recognition will come when the peoples, 

utterly wearied by the irregularities and incompetence—a matter which we 

shall arrange for—of their rulers, will clamor: "Away with them and give us 

one king over all the earth who will unite us and annihilate the causes of 

disorders—frontiers, nationalities, religions, State debts—who will give us 

peace and quiet which we cannot find under our rulers and representatives." 

10.19. 

But you yourselves perfectly well know that to produce the possibility of the 

expression of such wishes by all the nations it is indispensible to trouble in all 

countries the people's relations with their governments so as to utterly 

exhaust humanity with dissension, hatred, struggle, envy and even by the use 

of torture, by starvation, by the inoculation of diseases, by want, so that the 

goyim see no other issue than to take refuge in our complete sovereignty in 

money and in all else. 

10.20. 



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But if we give the nations of the world a breathing space the moment we long 

for is hardly likely ever to arrive. 

PROTOCOL 11 

Summary 

Programme of the new constitution • Certain details of the proposed 

revolution • The goyim—a pack of sheep • Secret masonry and its "show" 

lodges 

11.1. 

THE STATE COUNCIL has been, as it were, the emphatic expression of the 

authority of the ruler: it will be, as the "show" part of the Legislative Corps, 

what may be called the editorial committee of the laws and decrees of the 

ruler. 

11.2. 

This, then, is the program of the new constitution. We shall make Law, Right 

and Justice (1) in the guise of proposals to the Legislative Corps, (2) by 

decrees of the president under the guise of general regulations, of orders of 

the Senate and of resolutions of the State Council in the guise of ministerial 

orders, (3) and in case a suitable occasion should arise—in the form of a 

revolution in the State. 

11.3. 

Having established approximately the modus agendi we will occupy 

ourselves with details of those combinations by which we have still to 

complete the revolution in the course of the machinery of State in the 

direction already indicated. By these combinations I mean the freedom of the 



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Press, the right of association, freedom of conscience, the voting principle, 

and many another that must disappear for ever from the memory of man, or 

undergo a radical alteration the day after the promulgation of the new 

constitution. It is only at the moment that we shall be able at once to 

announce all our orders, for, afterwards, every noticeable alteration will be 

dangerous, for the following reasons: if this alteration be brought in with harsh 

severity and in a sense of severity and limitations, it may lead to a feeling of 

despair caused by fear of new alterations in the same direction; if, on the 

other hand, it be brought in a sense of further indulgences it will be said that 

we have recognized our own wrong-doing and this will destroy the prestige of 

the infallibility of our authority, or else it will be said that we have become 

alarmed and are compelled to show a yielding disposition, for which we shall 

get no thanks because it will be supposed to be compulsory . . . Both the one 

and the other are injurious to the prestige of the new constitution. What we 

want is that from the first moment of its promulgation, while the peoples of the 

world are still stunned by the accomplished fact of the revolution, still in a 

condition of terror and uncertainty, they should recognize once for all that we 

are so strong, so inexpugnable, so super-abundantly filled with power, that in 

no case shall we take any account of them, and so far from paying any 

attention to their opinions or wishes, we are ready and able to crush with 

irresistible power all expression or manifestation thereof at every moment and 

in every place, that we have seized at once everything we wanted and shall 

in no case divide our power with them . . . Then in fear and trembling they will 

close their eyes to everything, and be content to await what will be the end of 

it all. 

11.4. 

The goyim are a flock of sheep, and we are their wolves. And you know what 

happens when the wolves get hold of the flock? . . . . 

11.5. 

There is another reason also why they will close their eyes: for we shall keep 

promising them to give back all the liberties we have taken away as soon as 

we have quelled the enemies of peace and tamed all parties . . . . 

11.6. 

It is not worth to say anything about how long a time they will be kept waiting 

for this return of their liberties . . . . 

11.7. 



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For what purpose then have we invented this whole policy and insinuated it 

into the minds of the goy without giving them any chance to examine its 

underlying meaning? For what, indeed, if not in order to obtain in a 

roundabout way what is for our scattered tribe unattainable by the direct 

road? It is this which has served as the basis for our organization of secret 

masonry which is not known to, and aims which are not even so much as 

suspected by, these goy cattle, attracted by us into the "show" army of 

masonic lodges in order to throw dust in the eyes of their fellows. 

11.8. 

God has granted to us, His Chosen People, the gift of the dispersion, and in 

this which appears in all eyes to be our weakness, has come forth all our 

strength, which has now brought us to the threshold of sovereignty over all 

the world. 

11.9. 

There now remains not much more for us to build up upon the foundation we 

have laid. 

PROTOCOL 12 

Summary 

Masonic interpretation of the word "freedom" • Future of the press in the 

masonic kingdom • Control of the press • Correspondence agencies • What is 

progress as understood by masonry? • More about the press • Masonic 

solidarity in the press of today • The arousing of "public" demands in the 

provinces • Infallibility of the new regime 

12.1. 



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THE WORD "FREEDOM," which can be interpreted in various ways, is 

defined by us as follows: 

12.2. 

Freedom is the right to do what which the law allows. This interpretation of 

the word will at the proper time be of service to us, because all freedom will 

thus be in our hands, since the laws will abolish or create only that which is 

desirable for us according to the aforesaid program. 

12.3. 

We shall deal with the press in the following way: what is the part played by 

the press today? It serves to excite and inflame those passions which are 

needed for our purpose or else it serves selfish ends of parties. It is often 

vapid, unjust, mendacious, and the majority of the public have not the 

slightest idea what ends the press really serves. We shall saddle and bridle it 

with a tight curb: we shall do the same also with all productions of the printing 

press, for where would be the sense of getting rid of the attacks of the press if 

we remain targets for pamphlets and books? The produce of publicity, which 

nowadays is a source of heavy expense owing to the necessity of censoring 

it, will be turned by us into a very lucrative source of income to our State: we 

shall law on it a special stamp tax and require deposits of caution-money 

before permitting the establishment of any organ of the press or of printing 

offices; these will then have to guarantee our government against any kind of 

attack on the part of the press. For any attempt to attack us, if such still be 

possible, we shall inflict fines without mercy. Such measures as stamp tax, 

deposit of caution-money and fines secured by these deposits, will bring in a 

huge income to the government. It is true that party organs might not spare 

money for the sake of publicity, but these we shall shut up at the second 

attack upon us. No one shall with impunity lay a finger on the aureole of our 

government infallibility. The pretext for stopping any publication will be the 

alleged plea that it is agitating the public mind without occasion or 

justification. I beg you to note that among those making attacks upon us will 

also be organs established by us, but they will attack exclusively points that 

we have pre-determined to alter. 

12.4. 

Not a single announcement will reach the public without our control. Even 

now this is already being attained by us inasmuch as all news items are 

received by a few agencies, in whose offices they are focused from all parts 

of the world. These agencies will then be already entirely ours and will give 

publicity only to what we dictate to them. 



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12.5. 

If already now we have contrived to possess ourselves of the minds of the 

goy communities to such an extent the they all come near looking upon the 

events of the world through the colored glasses of those spectacles we are 

setting astride their noses; if already now there is not a single State where 

there exist for us any barriers to admittance into what goy stupidity calls State 

secrets: what will our positions be then, when we shall be acknowledged 

supreme lords of the world in the person of our king of all the world . . . . 

12.6. 

Let us turn again to the future of the printing press. Every one desirous of 

being a publisher, librarian, or printer, will be obliged to provide himself with 

the diploma instituted therefore, which, in case of any fault, will be 

immediately impounded. With such measures the instrument of thought will 

become an educative means on the hands of our government, which will no 

longer allow the mass of the nation to be led astry in by-ways and fantasies 

about the blessings of progress. Is there any one of us who does not know 

that these phantom blessings are the direct roads to foolish imaginings which 

give birth to anarchical relations of men among themselves and towards 

authority, because progress, or rather the idea of progress, has introduced 

the conception of every kind of emancipation, but has failed to establish its 

limits . . . . All the so-called liberals are anarchists, if not in fact, at any rate in 

thought. Every one of them in hunting after phantoms of freedom, and falling 

exclusively into license, that is, into the anarchy of protest for the sake of 

protest . . . . 

12.7. 

We turn to the periodical press. We shall impose on it, as on all printed 

matter, stamp taxes per sheet and deposits of caution- money, and books of 

less than 30 sheets will pay double. We shall reckon them as pamphlets in 

order, on the one hand, to reduce the number of magazines, which are the 

worst form of printed poison, and, on the other, in order that this measure 

may force writers into such lengthy productions that they will be little read, 

especially as they will be costly. At the same time what we shall publish 

ourselves to influence mental development in the direction laid down for our 

profit will be cheap and will be read voraciously. The tax will bring vapid 

literary ambitions within bounds and the liability to penalties will make literary 

men dependent upon us. And if there should be any found who are desirous 

of writing against us, they will not find any person eager to print their 

productions in print the publisher or printer will have to apply to the authorities 

for permission to do so. Thus we shall know beforehand of all tricks preparing 



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against us and shall nullify them by getting ahead with explanations on the 

subject treated of. 

12.8. 

Literature and journalism are two of the most important educative forces, and 

therefore our government will become proprietor of the majority of the 

journals. This will neutralize the injurious influence of the privately-owned 

press and will put us in possession of a tremendous influence upon the public 

mind . . . . If we give permits for ten journals, we shall ourselves found thirty, 

and so on in the same proportion. This, however, must in no wise be 

suspected by the public. For which reason all journals published by us will be 

of the most opposite, in appearance, tendencies and opinions, thereby 

creating confidence in us and bringing over to us quite unsuspicious 

opponents, who will thus fall into our trap and be rendered harmless. 

12.9. 

In the front rank will stand organs of an official character. They will always 

stand guard over our interests, and therefore their influence will be 

comparatively insignificant. 

12.10. 

In the second rank will be the semi-official organs, whose part it will be to 

attack the tepid and indifferent. 

12.11. 

In the third rank we shall set up our own, to all appearance, off position, 

which, in at least one of its organs, will present what looks like the very 

antipodes to us. Our real opponents at heart will accept this simulated 

opposition as their own and will show us their cards. 

12.12. 

All our newspapers will be of all possible complexions—aristocratic, 

republican, revolutionary, even anarchical—for so long, of course, as the 

constitution exists . . . . Like the Indian idol "Vishnu" they will have a hundred 

hands, and every one of them will have a finger on any one of the public 

opinions as required. When a pulse quickens these hands will lead opinion in 

the direction of our aims, for an excited patient loses all power of judgment 

and easily yields to suggestion. Those fools who will think they are repeating 

the opinion of a newspaper of their own camp will be repeating our opinion or 



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any opinion that seems desirable for us. In the vain belief that they are 

following the organ of their party they will, in fact, follow the flag which we 

hang out for them. 

12.13. 

In order to direct our newspaper militia in this sense we must take special and 

minute care in organizing this matter. Under the title of central department of 

the press we shall institute literary gatherings at which our agents will without 

attracting attention issue the orders and watchwords of the day. By 

discussing andcontroverting, but always superficially, without touching the 

essence of the matter, our organs will carry on a sham fight fusillade with the 

official newspapers solely for the purpose of giving occasion for us to express 

ourselves more fully than could well be done from the outset in official 

announcements, whenever, of course, that is to our advantage. 

12.14. 

These attacks upon us will also serve another purpose, namely, that our 

subjects will be convinced of the existence of full freedom of speech and so 

give our agents an occasion to affirm that all organs which oppose us are 

empty babblers, since they are incapable of finding any substantial objections 

to our orders. 

12.15. 

Methods of organization like these, imperceptible to the public eye but 

absolutely sure, are the best calculated to succeed in bringing the attention 

and the confidence of the public to the side of our government. Thanks to 

such methods we shall be in a position as from time to time may be required, 

to excite or to tranquillize the public mind on political questions, to persuade 

or to confuse, printing now truth, now lies, facts or their contradictions, 

according as they may be well or ill received, always very cautiously feeling 

our ground before stepping upon it . . . . We shall have a sure triumph over 

our opponents since they will not have at their disposition organs of the press 

in which they can give full and final expression to their views owing to the 

aforesaid methods of dealing with the press. We shall not even need to refute 

them except very superficially. 

12.16. 

Trial shots like these, fired by us in the third rank of our press, in case of 

need, will be energetically refuted by us in our semi-official organs. 



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12.17. 

Even nowadays, already, to take only the French press, there are forms 

which reveal masonic solidarity in acting on the watchword: all organs of the 

press are bound together by professional secrecy; like the augurs of old, not 

one of their numbers will give away the secret of his sources of information 

unless it be resolved to make announcement of them. Not one journalist will 

venture to betray this secret, for not one of them is ever admitted to practice 

literature unless his whole past has some disgraceful sore or other . . . . 

These sores would be immediately revealed. So long as they remain the 

secret of a few the prestige of the journalist attacks the majority of the 

country—the mob follow after him with enthusiasm. 

12.18. 

Our calculations are especially extended to the provinces. It is indispensable 

for us to inflame there those hopes and impulses with which we could at any 

moment fall upon the capital, and we shall represent to the capitals that these 

expressions are the independent hopes and impulses of the provinces. 

Naturally, the source of them will be always one and the same—ours. What 

we need is that, until such time as we are in the plenitude power, the capitals 

should find themselves stifled by the provincial opinion of the nation, i.e., of a 

majority arranged by our agentur. What we need is that at the psychological 

moment the capitals should not be in a position to discuss an accomplished 

fact for the simple reason, if for no other, that it has been accepted by the 

public opinion of a majority in the provinces. 

12.19. 

When we are in the period of the new regime transitional to that of our 

assumption of sovereignty we must not admit any revelation by the press of 

any form of public dishonesty; it is necessary that the new regime should be 

thought to have so perfectly contended everybody that even criminality has 

disappeared . . . . Cases of the manifestation of criminality should remain 

known only to their victims and to chance witnesses—no more. 

PROTOCOL 13 



12/10/2004


Summary 

The need for daily bread • Questions of the Political • Questions of industry • 

Amusements • People's Palaces • "Truth is One" • The great problems 

13.1. 

THE NEED FOR DAILY BREAD forces the goyim to keep silence and be our 

humble servants. Agents taken on to our press from among the goyim will at 

our orders discuss anything which it is inconvenient for us to issue directly in 

official documents, and we meanwhile, quietly amid the din of the discussion 

so raised, shall simply take and carry through such measures as we wish and 

then offer them to the public as an accomplished fact. No one will dare to 

demand the abrogation of a matter once settled, all the more so as it will be 

represented as an improvement . . . And immediately the press will distract 

the current of thought towards, new questions, (have we not trained people 

always to be seeking something new?). Into the discussions of these new 

questions will throw themselves those of the brainless dispensers of fortunes 

who are not able even now to understand that they have not the remotest 

conception about the matters which they undertake to discuss. Questions of 

the political are unattainable for any save those who have guided it already 

for many ages, the creators. 

13.2. 

From all this you will see that in seeming the opinion of the mob we are only 

facilitating the working of our machinery, and you may remark that it is not for 

actions but for words issued by us on this or that question that we seem to 

seek approval. We are constantly making public declaration that we are 

guided in all our undertakings by the hope, joined to the conviction, that we 

are serving the common weal. 

13.3. 

In order to distract people who may be too troublesome from discussions of 

questions of the political we are now putting forward what we allege to be 

new questions of the political, namely, questions of industry. In this sphere let 

them discuss themselves silly! The masses are agreed to remain inactive, to 

take a rest from what they suppose to be political (which we trained them to 



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in order to use them as a means of combating the goy governments) only on 

condition of being found new employments, in which we are prescribing them 

something that looks like the same political object. In order that the masses 

themselves may not guess what they are about we further distract them with 

amusements, games, pastimes, passions, people's palaces . . . . Soon we 

shall begin through the press to propose competitions in art, in sport of all 

kinds: these interests will finally distract their minds from questions in which 

we should find ourselves compelled to oppose them. Growing more and more 

disaccustomed to reflect and form any opinions of their own, people will begin 

to talk in the same tone as we because we alone shall be offering them new 

directions for thought . . . of course through such persons as will not be 

suspected of solidarity with us. 

13.4. 

The part played by the liberals, utopian dreamers, will be finally played out 

when our government is acknowledged. Till such time they will continue to do 

us good service. Therefore we shall continue to direct their minds to all sorts 

of vain conceptions of fantastic theories, new and apparently progressive: for 

have we not with complete success turned the brainless heads of the goyim 

with progress, till there is not among the goyim one mind able to perceive that 

under this word lies a departure from truth in all cases where it is not a 

question of material inventions, like a fallacious idea, serves to obscure truth 

so that none may know it except us, the Chosen of God, its guardians. 

13.5. 

When, we come into our kingdom our orators will expound great problems 

which have turned humanity upside down in order to bring it at the end under 

our beneficent rule. 

13.6. 

Who will ever suspect then that all these peoples were stage-managed by us 

according to a political plan which no one has so much as guessed at in the 

course of many centuries? 

PROTOCOL 14 



12/10/2004


Summary 

The religion of the future • Future conditions of serfdom • Inaccessibility of 

knowledge regarding the religion of the future • Pornography and the printed 

matter of the future 

14.1. 

WHEN WE COME INTO OUR KINGDOM it will be undesirable for us that 

there should exist any other religion than ours of the One God with whom our 

destiny is bound up by our position as the Chosen People and through whom 

our same destiny is united with the destinies of the world. We must therefore 

sweep away all other forms of belief. If this gives birth to the atheists whom 

we see today, it will not, being only a transitional stage, interfere with our 

views, but will serve as a warning for those generations which will hearken to 

our preaching of the religion of Moses, that, by its stable and thoroughly 

elaborated system has brought all the peoples of the world into subjection to 

us. Therein we shall emphasize its mystical right, on which, as we shall say, 

all its educative power is based . . . . Then at every possible opportunity we 

shall publish articles in which we shall make comparisons between our 

beneficent rule and those of past ages. The blessing of tranquillity, though it 

be a tranquillity forcibly brought about by centuries of agitation, will throw into 

higher relief the benefits to which we shall point. The errors of the goyim 

governments will be depicted by us in the most vivid hues. We shall implant 

such an abhorrence of them that the peoples will prefer tranquillity in a state 

of serfdom to those rights of vaunted freedom which have tortured humanity 

and exhausted the very sources of human existence, sources which have 

been exploited by a mob of rascally adventurers who know not what they do . 

. . . Useless changes of forms of government to which we instigated the 

goyim when we were undermining their state structures, will have so wearied 

the peoples by that time that they will prefer to suffer anything under us rather 

than run the risk of enduring again all the agitations and miseries they have 

gone through. 

14.2. 

At the same time we shall not omit to emphasize the historical mistakes of the 

goy governments which have tormented humanity for so many centuries by 



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their lack of understanding of everything that constitutes the true good of 

humanity in their chase after fantastic schemes of social blessings, and have 

never noticed that these schemes kept on producing a worse and never a 

better state of the universal relations which are the basis of human life . . . . 

14.3. 

The whole force of our principles and methods will lie in the fact that we shall 

present them and expound them as a splendid contrast to the dead and 

decomposed old order of things in social life. 

14.4. 

Our philosophers will discuss all the shortcomings of the various beliefs of the 

goyim, but no one will ever bring under discussion our faith from its true point 

of view since this will be fully learned by none save ours who will never dare 

to betray its secrets. 

14.5. 

In countries known as progressive and enlightened we have created a 

senseless, filthy, abominable literature. For some time after our entrance to 

power we shall continue to encourage its existence in order to provide a 

telling relief by contrast to the speeches, party program, which will be 

distributed from exalted quarters of ours . . . . Our wise men, trained to 

become leaders of the goyim, will compose speeches, projects, memoirs, 

articles, which will be used by us to influence the minds of the goyim, 

directing them towards such understanding and forms of knowledge as have 

been determined by us. 

PROTOCOL 15 

Summary 

One-day coup d'etat (revolution) over all the world • Executions • Future lot of 

goyim-masons • Mysticism of authority • Multiplication of masonic lodges • 

Central governing board of masonic elders • The "Azev-tactics" • Masonry as 



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leader and guide of all secret societies• Significance of public applause • 

Collectivism • Victims • Executions of masons • Fall of the prestige of laws 

and authority • Our position as the Chosen People • Brevity and clarity of the 

laws of the kingdom of the future • Obedience to orders • Measures against 

abuse of authority • Severity of penalties • Age-limit for judges • Liberalism of 

judges and authorities • The money of all the world • Absolutism of masonry • 

Right of appeal • Patriarchal "outside appearance" of the power of the future 

"ruler" • Apotheosis of the ruler • The right of the strong as the one and only 

right • The King of Israel • Patriarch of all tbe world 

15.1. 

WHEN WE AT LAST definitely come into our kingdom by the aid of coups 

d'etat prepared everywhere for one and the same day, after definitely 

acknowledged (and not a little time will pass before that comes about, 

perhaps even a whole century) we shall make it our task to see that against 

us such things as plots shall no longer exist. With this purpose we shall slay 

without mercy all who take arms (in hand) to oppose our coming into our 

kingdom. Every kind of new institution of anything like a secret society will 

also be punished with death; those of them which are now in existence, are 

known to us, serve us and have served us, we shall disband and send into 

exile to continents far removed from Europe. In this way we shall proceed 

with those goy masons who know too much; such of these as we may for 

some reason spare will be kept in constant fear of exile. We shall promulgate 

a law making all former members of secret societies liable to exile from 

Europe as the center of rule. 

15.2. 

Resolutions of our government will be final, without appeal. 

15.3. 

In the goy societies, in which we have planted and deeply rooted discord and 

protestantism, the only possible way of restoring order is to employ merciless 

measures that prove the direct force of authority: no regard must be paid to 

the victims who fall, they suffer for the well-being of the future. The attainment 

of that well-being, even at the expense of sacrifices, is the duty of any kind of 

government that acknowledges as justification for its existence not only its 

privileges but its obligations. The principal guarantee of stability of rule is to 



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confirm the aureole of power, and this aureole is attained only by such a 

majestic inflexibility of might as shall carry on its face the emblems of 

inviolability from mystical causes—from the choice of God. Such was, until 

recent times, the Russian autocracy, the one and only serious for we had in 

the world, without counting the Papacy. Bear in mind the example when Italy, 

drenched with blood, never touched a hair of the head of Sulla who had 

poured forth that blood: Sulla enjoyed an apotheosis for his might in him, but 

his intrepid return to Italy ringed him round with inviolability. The people do 

not lay a finger on him who hypnotizes them by his daring and strength of 

mind. 

15.4. 

Meantime, however, until we come into our kingdom, we shall act in the 

contrary way: we shall create and multiply free masonic lodges in all the 

countries of the world, absorb into them all who may become or who are 

prominent in public activity, for these lodges we shall find our principal 

intelligence office and means of influence. All these lodges we shall bring 

under one central administration, known to us alone and to all others 

absolutely unknown, which will be composed of our learned elders. The 

lodges will have their representatives who will serve to screen the abovementioned 

administration of masonry and from whom will issue the 

watchword and program. In these lodges we shall tie together the knot which 

binds together all revolutionary and liberal elements. Their composition will be 

made up of all strata of society. The most secret political plots will be known 

to us and fall under our guiding hands on the very day of their conception. 

Among the members of these lodges will be almost all the agents of 

international and national police since their service is for us irreplaceable in 

the respect that the police is in a position not only to use its own particular 

measures with the insubordinate, but also to screen our activities and provide 

pretexts for discontents, et cetera. 

15.5. 

The class of people who most willingly enter into secret societies are those 

who live by their wits, careerists, and in general people, mostly light-minded, 

with whom we shall have no difficulty in dealing and in using to wind up the 

mechanism of the machine devised by us. If this world grows agitated the 

meaning of that will be that we have had to stir up in order to break up its too 

great solidarity. But if there should arise in its midst a plot, then at the head of 

that plot will be no other than one of our most trusted servants. It is natural 

that we and no other should lead masonic activities, for we know whither we 

are leading, we know the final goal of every form of activity whereas the 



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goyim have knowledge of nothing, not even of the immediate effect of action; 

they put before themselves, usually, the momentary reckoning of the 

satisfaction of their self-opinion in the accomplishment of their thought without 

even remarking that the very conception never belonged to their initiative but 

to our instigation of their thought . . . . 

15.6. 

The goyim enter the lodges out of curiosity or in the hope by their means to 

get a nibble at the public pie, and some of them in order to obtain a hearing 

before the public for their impracticable and groundless fantasies: they thirst 

for the emotion of success and applause, of which we are remarkably 

generous. And the reason why we give them this success is to make use of 

the nigh conceit of themselves to which it gives birth, for that insensibly 

disposes them to assimulate our suggestions without being on their guard 

against them in the fullness of their confidence that it is their own infallibility 

which is giving utterance to their own thoughts and that it is impossible for 

them to borrow those of others . . . . You cannot imagine to what extent the 

wisest of the goyim can be brought to a state of unconscious naivete in the 

presence of this condition of high conceit of themselves, and at the same 

time how easy it is to take the heart out of them by the slightest ill-success, 

though it be nothing more than the stoppage of the applause they had, and to 

reduce them to a slavish submission for the sake of winning a renewal of 

success . . . . By so much as ours disregard success if only they can carry 

through their plans, by so much the goyim are willing to sacrifice any plans 

only to have success. This psychology of theirs materially facilitates for us the 

task of setting them in the required direction. These tigers in appearance 

have the souls of sheep and the wind blows freely through their heads. We 

have set them on the hobby-horse of an idea about the absorption of 

individuality by the symbolic unit of collectivism . . . . They have never yet and 

they never will have the sense to reflect that this hobby-horse is a manifest 

violation of the most important law of nature, which has established from the 

very creation of the world one unit unlike another and precisely for the 

purpose of instituting individuality . . . . 

15.7. 

If we have been able to bring them to such a pitch of stupid blindness is it not 

a proof, and an amazingly clear proof, of the degree to which the mind of the 

goyim is undeveloped in comparison with our mind? This it is, mainly, which 

guarantees our success. 

15.8. 



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And how far-seeing were our learned elders in ancient times when they said 

that to attain a serious end it behooves not to stop at any means or to count 

the victims sacrificed for the sake of that end . . . . We have not counted the 

victims of the seed of the goy cattle, though we have sacrificed many of our 

own, but for that we have now already given them such a position on the 

earth as they could not even have dreamed of. The comparatively small 

numbers of the victims from the number of ours have preserved our 

nationality from destruction. 

15.9. 

Death is the inevitable end for all. It is better to bring that end nearer to those 

who hinder our affairs than to ourselves, to the founders of this affair. We 

execute masons in such wise that none save the brotherhood can ever have 

a suspicion of it, not even the victims themselves of our death sentence, they 

all die when required as if from a normal kind of illness . . . . Knowing this, 

even the brotherhood in its turn dare not protest. By such methods we have 

plucked out of the midst of masonry the very root of protest against our 

disposition. While preaching liberalism to the goy we at the same time keep 

our own people and our agents in a state of unquestioningly submission. 

15.10. 

Under our influence the execution of the laws of the goyim has been reduced 

to a minimum. The prestige of the law has been exploded by the liberal 

interpretations introduced into this sphere. In the most important and 

fundamental affairs and questions, judges decide as we dictate to them, see 

matters in the light wherewith we enfold them for the administration of the 

goyim, of course, through persons who are our tools though we do not 

appear to have anything in common with them—by newspaper opinion or by 

other means . . . . Even senators and the higher administration accept our 

counsels. The purely brute mind of the goyim is incapable of use for analysis 

and observation, and still more for the foreseeing whither a certain manner of 

setting a question may tend. 

15.11. 

In this difference in capacity for thought between the goyim and ourselves 

may be clearly discerned the seal of our position as the Chosen People and 

of our higher quality of humanness, in contradistinction to the brute mind of 

the goyim. Their eyes are open, but see nothing before them and do not 

invent (unless perhaps, material things). From this it is plain that nature 

herself has destined us to guide and rule the world. 



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15.12. 

When comes the time of our overt rule, the time to manifest its blessing, we 

shall remake all legislatures, all our laws will be brief, plain, stable, without 

any kind of interpretations, so that anyone will be in a position to know them 

perfectly. The main feature which will run right through them is submission to 

orders, and this principle will be carried to a grandiose height. Every abuse 

will then disappear in consequence of the responsibility of all down to the 

lowest unit before the higher authority of the representative of power. Abuses 

of power subordinate to this last instance will be so mercilessly punished that 

none will be found anxious to try experiments with their own powers. We shall 

follow up jealously every action of the administration on which depends the 

smooth running of the machinery of the State, for slackness in this produces 

slackness everywhere; not a single case of illegality or abuse of power will be 

left without exemplary punishment. 

15.13. 

Concealment of guilt, connivance between those in the service of the 

administration—all this kind of evil will disappear after the very first examples 

of severe punishment. The aureole of our power demands suitable, that is, 

cruel, punishments for the slightest infringement, for the sake of gain, of its 

supreme prestige. The sufferer, though his punishment may exceed his fault, 

will count as a soldier falling on the administrative field of battle in the interest 

of authority, principle and law, which do not permit that any of those who hold 

the reins of the public coach should turn aside from the public highway to 

their own private paths. For examples our judges will know that whenever 

they feel disposed to plume themselves on foolish clemency they are 

violating the law of justice which is instituted for the exemplary edification of 

men by penalties for lapses and not for display of the spiritual qualities of the 

judges . . . . Such qualities it is proper to show in private life, but not in a 

public square which is the educationally basis of human life. 

15.14. 

Our legal staff will serve not beyond the age of 55, firstly because old men 

more obstinately hold to prejudiced opinions, and are less capable of 

submitting to new directions, and secondly because this will give us the 

possibility by this measure of securing elasticity in the changing of staff, 

which will thus the more easily bend under our pressure: he who wishes to 

keep his place will have to give blind obedience to deserve it. In general, our 

judges will be elected by us only from among those who thoroughly 

understand that the part they have to play is to punish and apply laws and not 

to dream about the manifestations of liberalism at the expense of the 



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educational scheme of the State, as the goyim in these days imagine it to be . 

. . . This method of shuffling the staff will serve also to explode any collective 

solidarity of those in the same service and will bind all to the interests of the 

government upon which their fate will depend. The young generation of 

judges will be trained in certain views regarding the inadmissibility of any 

abuses that might disturb the established order of our subjects among 

themselves. 

15.15. 

In these days the judges of the goyim create indulgences to every kind of 

crimes, not having a just understanding of their office, because the rulers of 

the present age in appointing judges to office take no care to inculcate in 

them a sense of duty and consciousness of the matter which is demanded of 

them. As a brute beast lets out its young in search of prey, so do the goyim 

give to them for what purpose such place was created. This is the reason 

why their governments are being ruined by their own forces through the acts 

of their own administration. 

15.16. 

Let us borrow from the example of the results of these actions yet another 

lesson for our government. 

15.17. 

We shall root out liberalism from all the important strategic posts of our 

government on which depends the training of subordinates for our State 

structure. Such posts will fall exclusively to those who have been trained by 

us for administrative rule. To the possible objection that the retirement of old 

servants will cost the Treasury heavily, I reply, firstly, they will be provided 

with some private service in place of what they lose, and, secondly, I have to 

remark that all the money in the world will be concentrated in our hands, 

consequently it is not our government that has to fear expense. 

15.18. 

Our absolutism will in all things be logically consecutive and therefore in each 

one of its decrees our supreme will be respected and unquestionably fulfilled: 

it will ignore all murmurs, all discontents of every kind and will destroy to the 

root every kind of manifestation of them in act by punishment of an exemplary 

character. 

15.19. 



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We shall abolish the right of cassation, which will be transferred exclusively to 

our disposal—to the cognizance of him who rules, for we must not allow the 

conception among the people of a thought that there could be such a thing as 

a decision that is not right of judges set up by us. If, however, anything like 

this should occur, we shall ourselves cassate the decision, but inflict 

therewith such exemplary punishment on the judge for lack of understanding 

of his duty and the purpose of his appointment as will prevent a repetition of 

such cases . . . . I repeat that it must be born in mind that we shall know 

every step of our administration which only needs to be closely watched for 

the people to be content with us, for it has the right to demand from a good 

government a good official. 

15.20. 

Our government will have the appearance of a patriarchal paternal 

guardianship on the part of our ruler. Our own nation and our subjects will 

discern in his person a father caring for their every need, their every act, their 

every inter-relation as subjects one with another, as well as their relations to 

the ruler. They will then be so thoroughly imbued with the thought that it is 

impossible for them to dispense with this wardship and guidance, if they wish 

to live in peace and quiet, that they will acknowledge the autocracy of our 

ruler with a devotion bordering on "apotheosis," especially when they are 

convinced that those whom we set up do not put their own in place of 

authority, but only blindly execute his dictates. They will be rejoiced that we 

have regulated everything in their lives as is done by wise parents who desire 

to train children in the cause of duty and submission. For the peoples of the 

world in regard to the secrets of our polity are ever through the ages only 

children under age, precisely as are also their governments. 

15.21. 

As you see, I found our despotism on right and duty: the right to compel the 

execution of duty is the direct obligation of a government which is a father for 

its subjects. It has the right of the strong that it may use it for the benefit of 

directing humanity towards that order which is defined by nature, namely, 

submission. Everything in the world is in a state of submission, if not to man, 

then to circumstances or its own inner character, in all cases, to what is 

stronger. And so shall we be this something stronger for the sake of good. 

15.22. 

We are obliged without hesitation to sacrifice individuals, who commit a 

breach of established order, for in the exemplary punishment of evil lies a 

great educational problem. 



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15.23. 

When the King of Israel sets upon his sacred head the crown offered him by 

Europe he will become patriarch of the world. The indispensable victims 

offered by him in consequence of their suitability will never reach the number 

of victims offered in the course of centuries by the mania of magnificence, the 

emulation between the goy governments. 

15.24. 

Our King will be in constant communion with the peoples, making to them 

from the tribune speeches which fame will in that same hour distribute over 

all the world. 

PROTOCOL 16 

Summary 

Emasculation of the universities • Substitute for classicism • Training and 

calling • Advertisement of the authority of "the ruler" in the schools • Abolition 

of freedom of instruction • New Theories • Independence of thought • 

Teaching by object lessons 

16.1. 

IN ORDER TO EFFECT the destruction of all collective forces except ours we 

shall emasculate the first stage of collectivism—the universities, by reeducating 

them in a new direction. Their officials and professors will be 

prepared for their business by detailed secret programs of action from which 

they will not with immunity diverge, not by one iota. They will be appointed 

with especial precaution, and will be so placed as to be wholly dependent 

upon the government. 



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16.2. 

We shall exclude from the course of instruction State Law as also all that 

concerns the political question. These subjects will be taught to a few dozen 

of persons chosen for their pre-eminent capacities from among the number of 

the initiated. The universities must no longer send out from their halls milks 

sops concocting plans for a constitution, like a comedy or tragedy, busying 

themselves with questions of policy in which even their own fathers never had 

any power of thought. 

16.3. 

The ill-guided acquaintance of a large number of persons with questions of 

polity creates utopian dreamers and bad subjects, as you can see for 

yourselves from the example of the universal education in this direction of the 

goyim. We must introduce into their education all those principles which have 

so brilliantly broken up their order. But when we are in power we shall remove 

every kind of disturbing subject from the course of education and shall make 

out of the youth obedient children of authority, loving him who rules as the 

support and hope of peace and quiet. 

16.4. 

Classicism as also any form of study of ancient history, in which there are 

more bad than good examples, we shall replace with the study of the 

program of the future. We shall erase from the memory of men all facts of 

previous centuries which are undesirable to us, and leave only those which 

depict all the errors of the government of the goyim. The study of practical 

life, of the obligations of order, of the relations of people one to another, of 

avoiding bad and selfish examples, which spread the infection of evil, and 

similar questions of an educative nature, will stand in the forefront of the 

teaching program, which will be drawn up on a separate plan for each calling 

or state of life, in no wise generalizing the teaching. This treatment of the 

question has special importance. 

16.5. 

Each state of life must be trained within strict limits corresponding to its 

destination and work in life. The occasional genius has always managed and 

always will manage to slip through into other states of life, but it is the most 

perfect folly for the sake of this rare occasional genius to let through into the 

ranks foreign to them the untalented who thus rob of their places who belong 

to those ranks by birth or employment. You know yourselves in what all this 

has ended for the goyim who allowed this crying absurdity. 



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16.6. 

In order that he who rules may be seated firmly in the hearts and minds of his 

subjects it is necessary for the time of his activity to instruct the whole nation 

in the schools and on the market places about this meaning and his acts and 

all his beneficent initiatives. 

16.7. 

We shall abolish every kind of freedom of instruction. Learners of all ages 

have the right to assemble together with their parents in the educational 

establishments as it were in a club: during these assemblies, on holidays, 

teachers will read what will pass as free lectures on questions of human 

relations, of the laws of examples, of the philosophy of new theories not yet 

declared to the world. These theories will be raised by us to the stage of a 

dogma of faith as a traditional stage towards our faith. On the completion of 

this exposition of our program of action in the present and the future I will 

read you the principles of these theories. 

16.8. 

In a word, knowing by the experience of many centuries that people live and 

are guided by ideas, that these ideas are imbibed by people only by the aid of 

education provided with equal success for all ages of growth, but of course by 

varying methods, we shall swallow up and confiscate to our own use the last 

scintilla of independence of thought, which we have for long past been 

directing towards subjects and ideas useful for us. The system of bridling 

thought is already at work in the so-called system of teaching by object 

lessons, the purpose of which is to turn the goyim into unthinking submissive 

brutes waiting for things to be presented before their eyes in order to form an 

idea of them . . . . In France, one of our best agents, Bourgeois, has already 

made public a new program of teaching by object lessons. 

PROTOCOL 17 

Summary 



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Advocacy • Influence of the priesthood of the goyim • Freedom of 

conscience • Papal Court • King of the Jews as Patriarch-Pope • How to fight 

the existing Church • Function of contemporary press • Organisation of 

police • Volunteer police • Espionage on the pattern of the kabal espionage • 

Abuses of authority 

17.1. 

THE PRACTICE OF ADVOCACY produces men cold, cruel, persistent, 

unprincipled, who in all cases take up an impersonal, purely legal standpoint. 

They have the inveterate habit to refer everything to its value for the defense 

and not to the public welfare of its results. They do not usually decline to 

undertake any defense whatever, they strive for an acquittal at all costs, 

caviling over every petty crux of jurisprudence and thereby they demoralize 

justice. For this reason we shall set this profession into narrow frames which 

will keep it inside this sphere of executive public service. Advocates, equally 

with judges, will be deprived of the right of communication with litigant; they 

well receive business only from the court and will study it by notes of report 

and documents, defending their clients after they have been interrogated in 

court on facts that have appeared. They will receive an honorarium without 

regard to the quality of the defense. This will render them mere reporters on 

law-business in the interests of justice and as counterpoise to the proctor who 

will be the reporter in the interests of prosecution; this will shorten business 

before the courts. In this way will be established a practice of honest 

unprejudiced defense conducted not from personal interest but by conviction. 

This will also, by the way, remove the present practice of corrupt bargain 

between advocation to agree only to let that side win which pays most . . . . . 

17.2. 

We have long past taken care to discredit the priesthood of goyim, and 

thereby to ruin their mission on earth which in these days might still be a 

great hindrance to us. Day by day its influence on the peoples of the world is 

falling lower. Freedom of conscience has been declared everywhere, so that 

now only years divide us from the moment of the complete wrecking of that 

Christian religion: as to other religions we shall have still less difficulty in 

dealing with them, but it would be premature to speak of this now. We shall 

act clericalism and clericals into such narrow frames as to make their 

influence move in retrogressive proportion to its former progress. 



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17.3. 

When the time comes finally to destroy the papal court the finger of an 

invisible hand will point the nations towards this court. When, however, the 

nations fling themselves upon it, we shall come forward in the guise of its 

defenders as if to save excessive bloodshed. By this diversion we shall 

penetrate to its very bowels and be sure we shall never come out again until 

we have gnawed through the entire strength of this place. 

17.4. 

The King of the Jews will be the real Pope of the Universe, the Patriarch of 

the International Church. 

17.5. 

But, in the meantime, while we are re-educating youth in new traditional 

religions and afterwards in ours, we shall not overtly lay a finger on existing 

churches, but we shall fight against them by criticism calculated to produce 

schism . . . . 

17.6. 

In general, then, our contemporary press will continue to convict State affairs, 

religions, incapacities of the goyim, always using the most unprincipled 

expressions in order by every means to lower their prestige in the manner 

which can only be practiced by the genius of our gifted tribe . . . . 

17.7. 

Our kingdom will be an apologia of the divinity Vishnu, in whom is found its 

personification—in our hundred hands will be, one in each, the springs of the 

machinery of social life. We shall see everything without the aid of official 

police which, in that scope of its rights which we elaborated for the use of the 

goyim, hinders governments from seeing. In our programs one-third of our 

subjects will keep the rest under observation from a sense of duty, on the 

principle of volunteer service to the State. It will then be no disgrace to be a 

spy and informer, but a merit: unfounded denunciations, however, will be 

cruelly punished that there may be development of abuses of this right. 

17.8. 

Our agents will be taken from the higher as well as the lower ranks of society, 

from among the administrative class who spend their time in amusements, 



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editors, printers and publishers, booksellers, clerks, and salesmen, workmen, 

coachmen, lackeys, et cetera. This body, having no rights and not being 

empowered to take any action on their own account, and consequently a 

police without any power, will only witness and report: verification of their 

reports and arrests will depend upon a responsible group of controllers of 

police affairs, while the actual act of arrest will be performed by the 

gendarmerie and the municipal police. Any person not denouncing anything 

seen or heard concerning questions of polity will also be charged with and 

made responsible for concealment, if it be proved that he is guilty of this 

crime. 

17.9. 

Just as nowadays our brethren are obliged at their own risk to denounce to 

the kabal apostates of their own family or members who have been noticed 

doing anything in opposition to the kabal, so in our kingdom over all the world 

it will be obligatory for all our subjects to observe the duty of service to the 

State in this direction. 

17.10. 

Such an organization will extirpate abuses of authority, of force, of bribery, 

everything in fact which we by our counsels, by out theories of the 

superhuman rights of man, have introduced into the customs of the goyim . . . 

. But how else were we to procure that increase of causes predisposing to 

disorders in the midst of their administration? . . . . Among the number of 

those methods one of the most important is—agents for the restoration of 

order, so placed as to have the opportunity in their disintegrating activity of 

developing and displaying their evil inclinations—obstinate self-conceit, 

irresponsible exercise of authority, and, first and foremost, venality. 

PROTOCOL 18 

Summary 

Measures of secret defence • Observation of conspiracies from the inside • 

Overt secret defence — the ruin of authority • Secret defence of the King of 



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the Jews • Mystical prestige of authority • Arrest on the first suspicion 

18.1. 

WHEN IT BECOMES NECESSARY FOR US to strengthen the strict 

measures of secret defense (the most fatal poison for the prestige of 

authority) we shall arrange a simulation of disorders or some manifestation of 

discontents finding expression through the co- operation of good speakers. 

Round these speakers will assemble all who are sympathetic to his 

utterances. This will give us the pretext for domiciliary prerequisitions and 

surveillance on the part of our servants from among the number of the goyim 

police . . . . 

18.2. 

As the majority of conspirators act of love for the game, for the sake of 

talking, so, until they commit some overt act we shall not lay a finger on them 

but only introduce into their midst observation elements . . . . It must be 

remembered that the prestige of authority is lessened if it frequently discovers 

conspiracies against itself: this implies a presumption of consciousness of 

weakness, or, what is still worse, of injustice. You are aware that we have 

broken the prestige of the goy kings by frequent attempts upon their lives 

through our agents, blind sheep of our flock, who are easily moved by a few 

liberal phrases to crimes provided only they be painted in political colors. We 

have compelled the rulers to acknowledge their weakness in advertising overt 

measures of secret defense and thereby we shall bring the promise of 

authority to destruction. 

18.3. 

Our ruler will be secretly protected only by the most insignificant guard, 

because we shall not admit so much as a thought that there could exist 

against him any sedition with which he is not strong enough to contend and is 

compelled to hide from it. 

18.4. 

If we should admit this thought, as the goyim have done and are doing, we 

should IPSO FACTO be signing a death sentence, if not for our ruler, at any 

rate for his dynasty, at no distant date. 



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18.5. 

According to strictly enforced outward appearances our ruler will employ his 

power only for the advantage of the nation and in no wise for his own or 

dynastic profits. Therefore, with the observance of this decorum, his authority 

will be respected and guarded by the subjects themselves, it will receive an 

apotheosis in the admission that with it is bound up the well-being of every 

citizen of the State, for upon it will depend all order in the common life of the 

pack . . . . 

18.6. 

Overt defense of the kind argues weakness in the organization of his 

strength. 

18.7. 

Our ruler will always be among the people and be surrounded by a mob of 

apparently curious men and women, who will occupy the front ranks about 

him, to all appearance by chance, and will restrain the ranks of the rest out of 

respect as it will appear for good order. This will sow an example of restraint 

also in others. If a petitioner appears among the people trying to hand a 

petition and forcing his way through the ranks, the first ranks must receive the 

petition and before the eyes of the petitioner pass it to the ruler, so that all 

may know that what is handed in reaches its destination, that consequently, 

there exists a control of the ruler himself. The aureole of power requires for is 

existence that the people may be able to say: "If the king knew of this," or: 

"the king will hear it." 

18.8. 

With the establishment of official defense, the mystical prestige of authority 

disappears: given a certain audacity, and everyone counts himself master of 

it, the sedition-monger is conscious of his strength, and when occasion 

serves watches for the moment to make an attempt upon authority . . . . For 

the goyim we have been preaching something else, but by that very fact we 

are enabled to see what measures of overt defense have brought them to . . . 

. 

18.9. 

Criminals with us will be arrested at the first more or less, well-grounded 

suspicion: it cannot be allowed that out of fear of a possible mistake an 

opportunity should be given of escape to persons suspected of a political 



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lapse of crime, for in these matters we shall be literally merciless. If it is still 

possible, by stretching a point, to admit a reconsideration of the motive 

causes in simple crimes, there is no possibility of excuse for persons 

occupying themselves with questions in which nobody except the government 

can understand anything . . . . And it is not all governments that understand 

true policy. 

PROTOCOL 19 

Summary 

The right of presenting petitions and projects • Sedition • Indictment of 

political crimes • Advertisement of political crimes 

19.1. 

IF WE DO NOT PERMIT any independent dabbling in the political we shall on 

the other hand encourage every kind of report or petition with proposals for 

the government to examine into all kinds of projects for the amelioration of 

the condition of the people; this will reveal to us the defects or else the 

fantasies of our subjects, to which we shall respond either by accomplishing 

them or by a wise rebuttment to prove the shortsightedness of one who 

judges wrongly. 

19.2. 

Sedition-mongering is nothing more than the yapping of a lap- dog at an 

elephant. For a government well organized, not from the police but from the 

public point of view, the lap-dog yaps at the elephant in entire 

unconsciousness of its strength and importance. It needs no more than to 

take a good example to show the relative importance of both and the lapdogs 

will cease to yap and will wag their tails the moment they set eyes on an 

elephant. 



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19.3. 

In order to destroy the prestige of heroism for political crime we shall send it 

for trial in the category of thieving, murder, and every kind of abominable and 

filthy crime. Public opinion will then confuse in its conception of this category 

of crime with the disgrace attaching to every other and will brand it with the 

same contempt. 

19.4. 

We have done our best, and I hope we have succeeded to obtain that the 

goyim should not arrive at this means of contending with sedition. It was for 

this reason that through the Press and in speeches, indirectly—in cleverly 

compiled schoolbooks on history, we have advertised the martyrdom alleged 

to have been accredited by sedition-mongers for the idea of the 

commonweal. This advertisement has increased the contingent of liberals 

and has brought thousands of goyim into the ranks of our livestock cattle. 

PROTOCOL 20 

Summary 

Financial program • Progressive tax • Stamp progressive taxation • 

Exchequer, interest-bearing papers and stagnation of currency • Method of 

accounting • Abolition of ceremonial displays • Stagnation of capital • 

Currency issue • Gold standard • Standard of cost of working man power • 

Budget • State loans • One per cent interest series • Industrial shares • Rulers 

of the goyim: courtiers and favouritism, masonic agents 

20.1. 

TODAY WE SHALL TOUCH UPON the financial program, which I put off to 

the end of my report as being the most difficult, the crowning and the decisive 



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point of our plans. Before entering upon it I will remind you that I have already 

spoken before by way of a hint when I said that the sum total of our actions is 

settled by the question of figures. 

20.2. 

When we come into our kingdom our autocratic government will avoid, from a 

principle of self-preservation, sensibly burdening the masses of the people 

with taxes, remembering that it plays the part of father and protector. But as 

State organization cost dear it is necessary nevertheless to obtain the funds 

required for it. It will, therefore, elaborate with particular precaution the 

question of equilibrium in this matter. 

20.3. 

Our rule, in which the king will enjoy the legal fiction that everything in his 

State belongs to him (which may easily be translated into fact), will be 

enabled to resort to the lawful confiscation of all sums of every kind for the 

regulation of their circulation in the State. From this follows that taxation will 

best be covered by a progressive tax on property. In this manner the dues will 

be paid without straitening or ruining anybody in the form of a percentage of 

the amount of property. The rich must be aware that it is their duty to place a 

part of their superfluities at the disposal of the State since the State 

guarantees them security of possession of the rest of their property and the 

right of honest gains, I say honest, for the control over property will do away 

with robbery on a legal basis. 

20.4 

This social reform must come from above, for the time is ripe for it—it is 

indispensable as a pledge of peace. 

20.5. 

The tax upon the poor man is a seed of revolution and works to the detriment 

of the State which is hunting after the trifling is missing the big. Quite apart 

from this, a tax on capitalists diminishes the growth of wealth in private hands 

in which we have in these days concentrated it as a counterpoise to the 

government strength of the goyim—their State finances. 

20.6. 

A tax increasing in a percentage ratio to capital will give much larger revenue 

than the present individual or property tax, which is useful to us now for the 



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sole reason that it excites trouble and discontent among the goyim. 

20.7. 

The force upon which our king will rest consists in the equilibrium and the 

guarantee of peace, for the sake of which things it is indispensable that the 

capitalists should yield up a portion of their incomes for the sake of the 

secure working of the machinery of the State. State needs must be paid by 

those who will not feel the burden and have enough to take from. 

20.8. 

Such a measure will destroy the hatred of the poor man for the rich, in whom 

he will see a necessary financial support for the State, will see in him the 

organizer of peace and well-being since he will see that it is the rich man who 

is paying the necessary means to attain these things. 

20.9. 

In order that payers of the educated classes should not too much distress 

themselves over the new payments they will have full accounts given them of 

the destination of those payments, with the exception of such sums as will be 

appropriated for the needs of the throne and the administrative institutions. 

20.10. 

He who reigns will not have any properties of his own once all in the State 

represented his patrimony, or else the one would be in contradiction to the 

other; the fact of holding private means would destroy the right of property in 

the common possessions of all. 

20.11. 

Relatives of him who reigns, his heirs excepted, who will be maintained by 

the resources of the State, must enter the ranks of servants of the State or 

must work to obtain the right to property; the privilege of royal blood must not 

serve for the spoiling of the treasury. 

20.12. 

Purchase, receipt of money or inheritance will be subject to the payment of a 

stamp progressive tax. Any transfer of property, whether money or other, 

without evidence of payment of this tax which will be strictly registered by 

names, will render the former holder liable to pay interest on the tax from the 



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moment of transfer of these sums up to the discovery of his evasion of 

declaration of the transfer. Transfer documents must be presented weekly at 

the local treasury office with notifications of the name, surname and 

permanent place of residence of the former and the new holder of the 

property. This transfer with register of names must begin from a definite sum 

which exceeds the ordinary expenses of buying and selling necessaries, and 

these will be subject to payment only by a stamp impost of a definite 

percentage of the unit. 

20.13. 

Just strike an estimate of how many times such taxes as these will cover the 

revenue of the goyim States. 

20.14. 

The State exchequer will have to maintain a definite complement of reserve 

sums, and all that is collected above that complement must be returned into 

circulation. On these sums will be organized public works. The initiative in 

works of this kind, proceeding from State sources, will blind the working class 

firmly to the interests of the State and to those who reign. From these same 

sums also a part will be set aside as rewards of inventiveness and 

productiveness. 

20.15. 

On no account should so much as a single unit above the definite and freely 

estimated sums be retained in the State Treasuries, for money exists to be 

circulated and any kind of stagnation of money acts ruinously on the running 

of the State machinery, for which it is the lubricant; a stagnation of the 

lubricant may stop the regular working of the mechanism. 

20.16. 

The substitution of interest-bearing paper for a part of the token of exchange 

has produced exactly this stagnation. The consequences of this circumstance 

are already sufficiently noticeable. 

20.17. 

A court of account will also be instituted by us, and in it the ruler will find at 

any moment a full accounting for State income and expenditure, with the 

exception of the current monthly account, not yet made up, and that of the 

preceding month, which will not yet have been delivered. 



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20.18. 

The one and only person who will have no interest in robbing the State is its 

owner, the ruler. This is why his personal control will remove the possibility of 

leakages of extravagances. 

20.19. 

The representative function of the ruler at receptions for the sake of etiquette, 

which absorbs so much invaluable time, will be abolished in order that the 

ruler may have time for control and consideration. His power will not then be 

split up into fractional parts among time-serving favorites who surround the 

throne for its pomp and splendor, and are interested only in their own and not 

in the common interests of the State. 

20.20. 

Economic crises have been producer by us for the goyim by no other means 

than the withdrawal of money from circulation. Huge capitals have stagnated, 

withdrawing money from States, which were constantly obliged to apply to 

those same stagnant capitals for loans. These loans burdened the finances of 

the State with the payment of interest and made them the bond slaves of 

these capitals . . . . The concentration of industry in the hands of capitalists 

out of the hands of small masters has drained away all the juices of the 

peoples and with them also the States . . . . 

20.21. 

The present issue of money in general does not correspond with the 

requirements per head, and cannot therefore satisfy all the needs of the 

workers. The issue of money ought to correspond with the growth of 

population and thereby children also must absolutely be reckoned as 

consumers of currency from the day of their birth. The revision of issue is a 

material question for the whole world. 

20.22. 

You are aware that the gold standard has been the ruin of the states which 

adopted it, for it has not been able to satisfy the demands for money, the 

more so that we have removed gold from circulation as far as possible. 

20.23. 

With us the standard that must be introduced is the cost of working-man 



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power, whether it be reckoned in paper or in wood. We shall make the issue 

of money in accordance with the normal requirements of each subject, adding 

to the quantity with every birth and subtracting with every death. 

20.24. 

The accounts will be managed by each department (the French 

administrative division), each circle. 

20.25. 

In order that there may be no delays in the paying our of money for State 

needs the sums and terms of such payments will be fixed by decree of the 

ruler; this will do away with the protection by a ministry of one institution to 

the detriment of others. 

20.26. 

The budgets of income and expenditure will be carried out side by side that 

they may not be obscured by distance one to another. 

20.27. 

The reforms projected by us in the financial institutions and principles of the 

goyim will be clothed by us in such forms as will alarm nobody. We shall point 

out the necessity of reforms in consequence of the disorderly darkness into 

which the goyim by their irregularities have plunged the finances. The first 

irregularity, as we shall point out, consists in their beginning with drawing up 

a single budget which year after year grows owing to the following cause: this 

budget is dragged out to half the year, then they demand a budget to put 

things right, and this they expend in three months, after which they ask for a 

supplementary budget, and all this ends with a liquidation budget. But, as the 

budget of the following year is drawn up in accordance with the sum of the 

total addition, the annual departure from the normal reaches as much as 50 

per cent in a year, and so the annual budget is trebled in ten years. Thanks to 

such methods, allowed by the carelessness of the goy States, their treasuries 

are empty. The period of loans supervenes, and that has swallowed up 

remainders and brought all the goy States to bankruptcy. 

20.28. 

You understand perfectly that economic arrangements of this kind, which 

have been suggested to the goyim by us, cannot be carried on by us. 



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20.29. 

Every kind of loan proves infirmity in the State and a want of understanding of 

the rights of the State. Loans hang like a sword of Damocles over the heads 

of rulers, who, instead of taking from their subjects by a temporary tax, come 

begging with outstretched palm of our bankers. Foreign loans are leeches 

which there is no possibility of removing from the body of the State until they 

fall off of themselves or the State flings them off. But the goy States do not 

tear them off; they go on in persisting in putting more on to themselves so 

that they must inevitably perish, drained by voluntary blood-letting. 

20.30. 

What also indeed is, in substance, a loan, especially a foreign loan? A loan 

is—an issue of government bills of exchange containing a percentage 

obligation commensurate to the sum of the loan capital. If the loan bears a 

charge of 5 per cent, then in twenty years the State vainly pays away in 

interest a sum equal to the loan borrowed, in forty years it is paying a double 

sum, in sixty—treble, and all the while the debt remains an unpaid debt. 

20.31. 

From this calculation it is obvious that with any form of taxation per head the 

State is baling out the last coppers of the poor taxpayers in order to settle 

accounts with wealth foreigners, from whom it has borrowed money instead 

of collecting these coppers for its own needs without the additional interest. 

20.32. 

So long as loans were internal the goyim only shuffled their money from the 

pockets of the poor to those of the rich, but when we bought up the 

necessary person in order to transfer loans into the external sphere, all the 

wealth of States flowed into our cash-boxes and all the goyim began to pay 

us the tribute of subjects. 

20.33. 

If the superficiality of goy kings on their thrones in regard to State affairs and 

the venality of ministers or the want of understanding of financial matters on 

the part of other ruling persons have made their countries debtors to our 

treasuries to amounts quite impossible to pay it has not been accomplished 

without, on our part, heavy expenditure of trouble and money. 

20.34. 



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Stagnation of money will not be allowed by us and therefore there will be no 

State interest-bearing paper, except a one per- cent series, so that there will 

be no payment of interest to leeches that suck all the strength out of the 

State. The right to issue interest-bearing paper will be given exclusively to 

industrial companies who will find no difficulty in paying interest out of profits, 

whereas the State does not make interest on borrowed money like these 

companies, for the State borrows to spend and not to use in operations. 

20.35. 

Industrial papers will be bought also by the government which from being as 

now a paper of tribute by loan operations will be transformed into a lender of 

money at a profit. This measure will stop the stagnation of money, parasitic 

profits and idleness, all of which were useful for us among the goyim so long 

as they were independent but are not desirable under our rule. 

20.36. 

How clear is the undeveloped power of thought of the purely brute brains of 

the goyim, as expressed in the fact that they have been borrowing from us 

with payment of interest without ever thinking that all the same these very 

moneys plus an addition for payment of interest must be got by them from 

their own State pockets in order to settle up with us. What could have been 

simpler than to take the money they wanted from their own people? 

20.37. 

But it is a proof of the genius of our chosen mind that we have contrived to 

present the matter of loans to them in such a light that they have even seen 

in them an advantage for themselves. 

20.38. 

Our accounts, which we shall present when the time comes, in the light of 

centuries of experience gained by experiments made by us on the goy 

States, will be distinguished by clearness and definiteness and will show at a 

glance to all men the advantage of our innovations. They will put an end to 

those abuses to which we owe our mastery over the goyim, but which cannot 

be allowed in our kingdom. 

20.39. 

We shall so hedge about our system of accounting that neither the ruler nor 

the most insignificant public servant will be in a position to divert even the 



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smallest sum from its destination without detection or to direct it in another 

direction except that which will be once fixed in a definite plan of action. 

20.40. 

And without a definite plan it is impossible to rule. Marching along an 

undetermined road and with undetermined resources brings to ruin by the 

way heroes and demi-gods. 

20.41. 

The goy rulers, whom we once upon a time advised should be distracted from 

State occupations by representative receptions, observances of etiquette, 

entertainments, were only screens for our rule. The accounts of favorite 

courtiers who replaced them in the sphere of affairs were drawn up for them 

by our agents, and every time gave satisfaction to short-sighted minds by 

promises that in the future economics and improvements were foreseen . . . . 

Economics from what? From new taxes?—were questions that might have 

been but were not asked by those who read our accounts and projects. 

20.42. 

You know to what they have been brought by this carelessness, to what pitch 

of financial disorder they have arrived, notwithstanding the astonishing 

industry of their peoples . . . . 

PROTOCOL 21 

Summary 

Internal loans • Debit and taxes • Conversions • Bankruptcy • Savings banks 

and rents • Abolition of money markets • Regulation of industrial values 



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21.1. 

TO WHAT I REPORTED TO YOU at the last meeting I shall now add a 

detailed explanation of internal loans. Of foreign loans I shall say nothing 

more, because they have fed us with national moneys of the goyim, but for 

our State there will be no foreigners, that is, nothing external. 

21.2. 

We have taken advantage of the venality of administrators and slackness of 

rulers to get our moneys twice, thrice and more times over, by lending to the 

goy governments moneys which were not at all needed by the States. Could 

anyone do the like in regard to us? . . . . Therefore, I shall only deal with the 

details of internal loans. 

21.3. 

States announce that such a loan is to be concluded and open subscriptions 

for their own bills of exchange, that is, for their interest-bearing paper. That 

they may be within the reach of all the price is determined at from a hundred 

to a thousand; and a discount is made for the earliest subscribers. Next day 

by artificial means the price of them goes up, the alleged reason being that 

everyone is rushing to buy them. In a few days the treasury safes are as they 

say overflowing and there's more money than they can do with (why then 

take it?). The subscription, it is alleged, covers many times over the issue 

total of the loan; in this lies the whole stage effect—look you, they say, what 

confidence is shown in the government's bills of exchange. 

21.4. 

But when the comedy is played out there emerges the fact that a debit and an 

exceedingly burdensome debit has been created. For the payment of interest 

it becomes necessary to have recourse to new loans, which do not swallow 

up but only add to the capital debt. And when this credit is exhausted it 

becomes necessary by new taxes to cover, not the loan, but only the interest 

on it. These taxes are a debit employed to cover a debit . . . . 

21.5. 

Later comes the time for conversions, but they diminish the payment of 

interest without covering the debt, and besides they cannot be made without 

the consent of the lenders; on announcing a conversion a proposal is made 

to return the money to those who are not willing to convert their paper. If 

everybody expressed his unwillingness and demanded his money back, the 



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government would be hooked on their own files and would be found insolvent 

and unable to pay the proposed sums. By good luck the subjects of the goy 

governments, knowing nothing about financial affairs, have always preferred 

losses on exchange and diminution of interest to the risk of new investments 

of their moneys, and have thereby many a time enabled these governments 

to throw off their shoulders a debit of several millions. 

21.6. 

Nowadays, with external loans, these tricks cannot be played by the goyim 

for they know that we shall demand all our moneys back. 

21.7. 

In this way in acknowledged bankruptcy will best prove to the various 

countries the absence of any means between the interest of the peoples and 

of those who rule them. 

21.8. 

I beg you to concentrate your particular attention upon this point and upon the 

following: nowadays all internal loans are consolidated by so-called flying 

loans, that is, such as have terms of payment more or less near. These debts 

consist of moneys paid into the savings banks and reserve funds. If left for 

long at the disposition of a government these funds evaporate in the payment 

of interest on foreign loans, and are placed by the deposit of equivalent 

amount of rents. 

21.9. 

And these last it is which patch up all the leaks in the State treasuries of the 

goyim. 

21.10. 

When we ascend the throne of the world all these financial and similar shifts, 

as being not in accord with our interests, will be swept away so as not to 

leave a trace, as also will be destroyed all money markets, since we shall not 

allow the prestige of our power to be shaken by fluctuations of prices set 

upon our values, which we shall announce by law at the price which 

represents their full worth without any possibility of lowering or raising. 

(Raising gives the pretext for lowering, which indeed was where we made a 

beginning in relation to the values of the goyim.) 



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21.11. 

We shall replace the money markets by grandiose government credit 

institutions, the object of which will be to fix the price of industrial values in 

accordance with government views. These institutions will be in a position to 

fling upon the market five hundred millions of industrial paper in one day, or 

to buy up for the same amount. In this way all industrial undertakings will 

come into dependence upon us. You may imagine for yourselves what 

immense power we shall thereby secure for ourselves . . . . 

PROTOCOL 22 

Summary 

The secret of what is coming • The evil of many centuries as the foundation of 

future well-being • The aureole of power and its mystical worship 

22.1. 

IN ALL THAT HAS SO FAR been reported by me to you, I have endeavored 

to depict with care the secret of what is coming, of what is past, and of what 

is going on now, rushing into the flood of the great events coming already in 

the near future, the secret of our relations to the goyim and of financial 

operations. On this subject there remains still a little for me to add. 

22.2. 

In our hands the greatest power of our day—gold: in two days we can 

procure from our storehouses any quantity we may please. 

22.3. 

Surely there is no need to seek further proof that our rule is predestined by 



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God? Surely we shall not fail with such wealth to prove that all that evil which 

for so many centuries we have had to commit has served at the end of ends 

the cause of true well- being—the bringing of everything into order? Though it 

be even by the exercise of some violence, yet all the same it will be 

established. We shall contrive to prove that we are benefactors who have 

restored to the rent and mangled earth the true good and also freedom of the 

person, and therewith we shall enable it to be enjoyed in peace and quiet, 

with proper dignity of relations, on the condition, of course, of strict 

observance of the laws established by us. We shall make plain therewith that 

freedom does not consist in dissipation and in the right of unbridled license 

any more than the dignity and force of a man do not consist in the right of 

everyone to promulgate destructive principles in the nature of freedom of 

conscience, equality and a like, that freedom of the person in no wise 

consists in the right to agitate oneself and others by abominable speeches 

before disorderly mobs, and that true freedom consists in the inviolability of 

the person who honorably and strictly observes all the laws of life in common, 

that human dignity is wrapped up in consciousness of the rights and also of 

the absence of rights of each, and not wholly and solely in fantastic 

imaginings about the subject of one's ego. 

22.4. 

One authority will be glorious because it will be all-powerful, will rule and 

guide, and not muddle along after leaders and orators shrieking themselves 

hoarse with senseless words which they call great principles and which are 

noting else, to speak honestly, but utopian . . . . Our authority will be the 

crown of order, and in that is included the whole happiness of man. The 

aureole of this authority will inspire a mystical bowing of the knee before it 

and a reverent fear before it of all the peoples. True force makes no terms 

with any right, not even with that of God: none dare come near to it so as to 

take so much as a span from it away. 

PROTOCOL 23 

Summary 



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Reduction of the manufacture of articles of luxury • Small master production • 

Unemployment • Prohibition of drunkenness • Killing out of the old society 

and its resurrection in a new form • The chosen one of God 

23.1. 

THAT THE PEOPLES may become accustomed to obedience it is necessary 

to inculcate lessons of humility and therefore to reduce the production of 

articles of luxury. By this we shall improve morals which have been debased 

by emulation in the sphere of luxury. We shall re-establish small master 

production which will mean laying a mine under the private capital of 

manufactures. This is indispensable also for the reason that manufacturers 

on the grand scale often move, though not always consciously, the thoughts 

of the masses in directions against the government. A people of small 

masters knows nothing of unemployment and this binds him closely with 

existing order, and consequently with the firmness of authority. For us its part 

will have ben played out the moment authority is transferred into our hands. 

Drunkenness also will be prohibited by law and punishable as a crime against 

humanness of man who is turned into a brute under the influence of alcohol. 

23.2. 

Subjects, I repeat once more, give blind obedience only to the strong hand 

which is absolutely independent of them, for in it they feel the sword of 

defense and support against social scourges . . . . What do they want with an 

angelic spirit in a king? What they have to see in him is the personification of 

force and power. 

23.3. 

The supreme lord who will replace all now existing ruler, dragging in their 

existence among societies demoralized by us, societies that have denied 

even the authority of God, from whose midst breads out on all sides the fire of 

anarchy, must first of all proceed to quench this all-devouring flame. 

Therefore he will be obliged to kill off those existing societies, though he 

should drench them with his own blood, that he may resurrect them again in 

the form of regularly organized troops fighting consciously with every kind of 

infection that may cover the body of the State with sores. 

23.4. 



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This Chosen One of God is chosen from above to demolish the senseless 

forces moved by instinct and not reason, by brutishness and humanness. 

These forces now triumph in manifestations of robbery and every kind of 

violence under the mask of principles of freedom and every kind of violence 

under the mask of principles of freedom and rights. They have overthrown all 

forms of social order to erect on the ruins of the throne of the King of the 

Jews; but their part will be played out the moment he enters into his kingdom. 

Then it will be necessary to sweep them away from his path, on which must 

be left no knot, no splinter. 

23.5. 

Then will it be possible for us to say to the peoples of the world: Give thanks 

to God and bow the knee before him who bears on his front the seal of the 

predestination of man, to which God himself has led his star that none other 

but Him might free us from all the before-mentioned forces and evils. 

PROTOCOL 24 

Summary 

Confirming the roots of King David • Training of the king • Setting aside of 

direct heirs • The king and three of his sponsors • The king is fate • 

Irreproachability of exterior morality of the King of the Jews 

24.1. 

I PASS NOW TO THE METHOD of confirming the dynastic roots of King 

David to the last strata of the earth. 

24.2. 

This confirmation will first and foremost be included in that which to this day 



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has rested the force of conservatism by our learned elders of the conduct of 

the affairs of the world, in the directing of the education of thought of all 

humanity. 

24.3. 

Certain members of the seed of David will prepare the kings and their heirs, 

selecting not by right of heritage but by eminent capacities, inducting them 

into the most secret mysteries of the political, into schemes of government, 

but providing always that none may come to knowledge of the secrets. The 

object of this mode of action is that all may know that government cannot be 

entrusted to those who have not been inducted into the secret places of its 

art . . . . 

24.4. 

To these persons only will be taught the practical application of the 

aforenamed plans by comparison of the experiences of many centuries, all 

the observations on the politico-economic moves and social sciences—in a 

word, all the spirit of laws which have been unshakably established by nature 

herself for the regulation of the relations of humanity. 

24.5. 

Direct heirs will often be set aside from ascending the throne if in their time of 

training they exhibit frivolity, softness and other qualities that are the ruin of 

authority, which render them incapable of governing and in themselves 

dangerous for kingly office. 

24.6. 

Only those who are unconditionally capable for firm, even if it be to cruelty, 

direct rule will receive the reins of rule from our learned elders. 

24.7. 

In case of falling sick with weakness of will or other form of incapacity. kings 

must by law hand over the reins of rule to new and capable hands. 

24.8. 

The king's plan of action for the current moment, and all the more so for the 

future, will be unknown, even to those who are called his closest counselors. 

24.9. 



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Only the king and the three who stood sponsor for him will know what is 

coming. 

24.10. 

In the person of the king who with unbending will is master of himself and of 

humanity all will discern as it were fate with its mysterious ways. None will 

know what the king wishes to attain by his dispositions, and therefore none 

will dare to stand across an unknown path. 

24.11. 

It is understood that the brain reservoir of the king must correspond in 

capacity to the plan of government it has to contain. It is for this reason that 

he will ascend the throne not otherwise than after examination of his mind by 

the aforesaid learned elders. 

24.12. 

That the people may know and love their king, it is indispensable for him to 

converse in the market-places with his people. This ensures the necessary 

clinching of the two forces which are now divided one from another by us by 

the terror. 

24.13. 

This terror was indispensable for us till the time comes for both these forces 

separately to fall under our influence. 

24.14. 

The king of the Jews must not be at the mercy of his passions, and especially 

of sensuality: on no side of his character must he give brute instincts power 

over his mind. Sensuality worse than all else disorganizes the capacities of 

the mind and clearness of views, distracting the thoughts to the worst and 

most brutal side of human activity. 

24.15. 

The prop of humanity in the person of the supreme lord of all the world of the 

holy seed of David must sacrifice to his people all personal inclinations. 

24.16. 

Our supreme lord must be of an exemplary irreproachability. 



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back to top 

Signed by the representatives ot Zion, 

of the 33rd degree. 

Appendix 1: A Fifteenth Century "Protocol" 

THE PRINCIPLES AND MORALITY of these latter-day Protocols are as old 

as the tribe. Here is one from the Fifteenth Century which Jews can hardly 

pronounce a forgery, seeing that it is taken from a Rothschild journal. 

The Revue des études Juives, financed by James de Rothschild, published in 

1889 two documents which showed how true the Protocols are in saying that 

the Learned Elders of Zion have been carrying on their plan for centuries. On 

January 13th, 1489, Chemor, Jewish Rabbi of Arles in Provence, wrote to the 

Grand Sanhedrim, which had its seat in Constantinople, for advice, as the 

people of Arles were threatening the synagogues. What should the Jews do? 

This was the reply: 

Dear beloved brethren in Moses, we have received your letter 

in which you tell us of the anxieties and misfortunes which you 

are enduring. We are pierced by as great pain to hear it as 

yourselves. 

The advice of the Grand Satraps and Rabbis is the following: 

1. As for what you say that the King of France obliges you to 

become Christians; do it, since you cannot do otherwise, but 

let the law of Moses be kept in your hearts. 

2. As for what you say about the command to despoil you of 

your goods " [the law was that on becoming converted Jews 

gave up their possessions]: make your sons merchants, that 



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little by little they may despoil the Christians of theirs. 

3. As for what you say about their making attempts on your 

lives: make your sons doctors and apothecaries, that they may 

take away Christians' lives. 

4. As for what you say of their destroying your synagogues: 

make your sons canons and clerics in order that they may 

destroy their churches. 

5. As for the many other vexations you complain of; arrange 

that your sons become advocates and lawyers, and see that 

they always mix themselves up with the affairs of State, in 

order that by putting Christians under your yoke you may 

dominate the world and be avenged on them. 

6. Do not swerve from this order that we give you, because 

you will find by experience that, humiliated as you are, you will 

reach the actuality of power. 

Signed V.S.S.V.F.F., 

prince of the Jews, 21st Caslue 

(November), 1489. 

Appendix 2: Lord Sydenham's Letter to the 

Spectator 

THE FOLLOWING LETTER appeared in the Spectator of August 27, 1921, 

and the late Lord Sydenham kindly consented to its reproduction as one of 

"THE BRITONS" leaflets. 



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SIR, 

When the Protocols first appeared in English it was pointed out that they 

embodied a forgery perpetrated by the Tsar's police with the idea of 

promoting pogroms. It now appears that they are adapted from a "pamphlet 

of 1865 attacking the Second Empire." This is most interesting, but it explains 

nothing. As you point out, Mrs. Webster had shown the Protocols to be full of 

plagiarisms which she effectively explained by the use of parallel columns, 

and before her most able book appeared Mr. Lucien Wolfe had traced other 

similarities. As the Protocols were obviously a compilation this was to be 

expected, and further resemblances may be discovered. The importance of 

the most sinister compilation that has ever appeared resides in the subject 

matter. The Protocols explain in almost laborious detail the objects of 

Bolshevism and the methods of carrying it into effect. Those methods were in 

operation in 1901, when Nilus said that he received the documents, but 

Bolshevism was then Marxian Communism, and the time had not come for 

applying it by military force. Nothing that was written in 1865 can have any 

bearing upon the deadly accuracy of the forecasts in the Protocols, most of 

which have since been fulfilled to the letter. Moreover the principles they 

enunciate correspond closely with the recorded statements of Jewish 

authorities. If you will read the American edition, with its valuable annexes, 

you will understand this, and the confirmatory quotations there given can be 

multiplied. Even the "Jewish world despotism," which you described as "a 

piece of malignant lunacy," is not obscurely hinted at. Take this one quotation 

from the Jewish State, by Theodore Herzl: "When we sink we become a 

revolutionary prolelariat, the subordinate officers of the revolutionary party; 

when we rise, there rises also our terrible power of the purse." Compare this 

ominous statement with those of the "Protocols," of which it is plainly an 

echo. 

I note with thankfulness that you say that the discovery of the French 

pamphlet "does not clear up the whole mystery." Indeed it does not, and if 

you will carefully read Mr. Ford's amazing disclosures you will wish for more 

light. The main point is, of course, the source from which Nilus obtained the 

Protocols. The Russians who knew Nilus and his writings, cannot all have 

been exterminated by the Bolshevics. His book, in which the "Protocols" only 

form one chapter, has not been translated; though it would give some idea of 

the man. He was, I have been told by a Russian lady, absolutely incapable 

either of writing any portion of the Protocols or of being party to a fraud. 

What is the most striking characteristic of the Protocols? The answer is 

knowledge of a rare kind, embracing the widest field. The solution of the 

"mystery," if it is one, is to be found by ascertaining where this uncanny 



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knowledge, on which prophecies now literally fullilled are based, can be 

shown to reside. 

— I am, Sir, &c., 

SYDENHAM 

Table of Contents and Paragraph Index 

Introduction 

i.1. • i.2. • i.3. • i.4. • i.5. • i.6. • i.7. 

• i.8. • i.9. • i.10. • i.11. • i.12. 

PROTOCOL 1 

Summary 

1.1. • 1.2. • 1.3. • 1.4. • 1.5. • 1.6. 

• 1.7. • 1.8. • 1.9. • 1.10. • 1.11. • 

1.12. • 1.13. • 1.14. • 1.15. • 1.16. 

• 1.17. • 1.18. • 1.19. • 1.20. • 

1.21. • 1.22. • 1.23. • 1.24. • 1.25. 

• 1.26. • 1.27. • 1.28. • 1.29. 

Title 

Preface 

p.1. • p.2. • p.3. • p.4. 


Notes 

n.1. • n.2. • n.3. • n.4. • n.5. • n.6. 

• n.7. • n.8. • n.9. • n.10. 

PROTOCOL 2 

Summary 

2.1. • 2.2. • 2.3. • 2.4. • 2.5. 


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PROTOCOL 3 

Summary 

3.1. • 3.2. • 3.3. • 3.4. • 3.5. • 3.6. 

• 3.7. • 3.8. • 3.9. • 3.10. • 3.11. • 

3.12. • 3.13. • 3.14. • 3.15. • 3.16. 

• 3.17. • 3.18. • 3.19. • 3.20. • 

3.21. 

PROTOCOL 5 

Summary 

5.1. • 5.2. • 5.3. • 5.4. • 5.5. • 5.6. 

• 5.7. • 5.8. • 5.9. • 5.10. • 5.11. 

PROTOCOL 7 

Summary 

7.1. • 7.2. • 7.3. • 7.4. • 7.5. 

PROTOCOL 9 

Summary 

9.1. • 9.2. • 9.3. • 9.4. • 9.5. • 9.6. 

• 9.7. • 9.8. • 9.9. • 9.10. • 9.11. • 

9.12. • 9.13. 

PROTOCOL 11 

Summary 


PROTOCOL 4 

Summary 

4.1. • 4.2. • 4.3.• 4.4.• 4.5. 

PROTOCOL 6 

Summary 

6.1. • 6.2. • 6.3. • 6.4. • 6.5. • 6.6. 

• 6.7. • 6.8. 

PROTOCOL 8 

Summary 

8.1. • 8.2. 

PROTOCOL 10 

Summary 

10.1. • 10.2. • 10.3. • 10.4. • 10.5. 

• 10.6. • 10.7. • 10.8. • 10.9. • 

10.10. • 10.11. • 10.12. • 10.13. • 

10.14. • 10.15. • 10.16. • 10.17. • 

10.18. • 10.19. • 10.20. 

PROTOCOL 12 

Summary 


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11.1. • 11.2. • 11.3. • 11.4. • 11.5. 

• 11.6. • 11.7. • 11.8. • 11.9. 

PROTOCOL 13 

Summary 

13.1. • 13.2. • 13.3. • 13.4. • 13.5. 

• 13.6. 

PROTOCOL 15 

Summary 

15.1. • 15.2. • 15.3. • 15.4. • 15.5. 

• 15.6. • 15.7. • 15.8. • 15.9. • 

15.10. • 15.11. • 15.12. • 15.13. • 

15.14. • 15.15. • 15.16. • 15.17. • 

15.18. • 15.19. • 15.20. • 15.21. • 

15.22. • 15.23. • 15.24. 

PROTOCOL 17 

Summary 

17.1. • 17.2. • 17.3. • 17.4. • 17.5. 

• 17.6. • 17.7. • 17.8. • 17.9. • 

17.10. 

PROTOCOL 19 

Summary 

19.1. • 19.2. • 19.3. • 19.4. 


12.1. • 12.2. • 12.3. • 12.4. • 12.5. 

• 12.6. • 12.7. • 12.8. • 12.9. • 

12.10. • 12.11. • 12.12. • 12.13. • 

12.14. • 12.15. • 12.16. • 12.17. • 

12.18. • 12.19. 

PROTOCOL 14 

Summary 

14.1. • 14.2. • 14.3. • 14.4. • 14.5. 

PROTOCOL 16 

Summary 

16.1. • 16.2. • 16.3. • 16.4. • 16.5. 

• 16.6. • 16.7. • 16.8. 

PROTOCOL 18 

Summary 

18.1. • 18.2. • 18.3. • 18.4. • 18.5. 

• 18.6. • 18.7. • 18.8. • 18.9. 

PROTOCOL 20 

Summary 

20.1. • 20.2. • 20.3. • 20.4. • 20.5. 


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PROTOCOL 21 

Summary 

21.1. • 21.2. • 21.3. • 21.4. • 21.5. 

• 21.6. • 21.7. • 21.8. • 21.9. • 

21.10. • 21.11. 

PROTOCOL 23 

Summary 

23.1. • 23.2. • 23.3. • 23.4. • 23.5. 

Appendix 1 

A Fifteenth Century "Protocol" 

back to top of Contents 

back to top 


• 20.6. • 20.7. • 20.8. • 20.9. • 

20.10. • 20.11. • 20.12. • 20.13. • 

20.14. • 20.15. • 20.16. • 20.17. • 

20.18. • 20.19. • 20.20. • 20.21. • 

20.22. • 20.23. • 20.24. • 20.25. • 

20.26. • 20.27. • 20.28. • 20.29. • 

20.30. • 20.31. • 20.32. • 20.33. • 

20.34. • 20.35. • 20.36. • 20.37. • 

20.38. • 20.39. • 20.40. • 20.41. • 

20.42. 

PROTOCOL 22 

Summary 

22.1. • 22.2. • 22.3. • 22.4. 

PROTOCOL 24 

Summary 

24.1. • 24.2. • 24.3. • 24.4. • 24.5. 

• 24.6. • 24.7. • 24.8. • 24.9. • 

24.10. • 24.11. • 24.12. • 24.13. • 

24.14. • 24.15. • 24.16. 

Appendix 2 

Lord Sydenham's Letter to the 

Spectator 


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Further Reading on the Protocols of the Elders of 

Zion 

An earlier translation with additional material: 

The Jewish Peril: The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion published 

by The Britons 

Web Editor's Note 

This edition of the Marsden Protocols has been edited from two originals, the 1933 

2nd reprint edition and a 1960 edition published by the Christian Nationalist Crusade. 

The 1933 edition contained the Protocol summaries and the appendices (The first 

appendix was originally simply part of the Introduction, but as it was omitted in the 

later edition and as it seemed to be a fairly standalone piece I felt it best to separate 

it. The second appendix, the Sydenham letter, is placed as in the original, at the 

end.) The 1960 edition included paragraph numbers for the main text and these are 

retained as labeled while the running headings throughout the text (likely drawn from 

the summaries) have been omitted. Paragraph numbers have been further added to 

the Preface, Introduction and Notes in a somewhat arbitrary but still hopefully useful 

manner. 

One major editorial change to this version has been the omission of emphatic 

typography. Marsden employed frequent and extensive italics, capitals and bold type 

for the emphasis of noteworthy passages. While this may have been reflected in the 

original (which I find personally unlikely—at least from the standpoint of the original 

document as minutes of meetings) I find it too distracting and an obstacle to taking 

the document more seriously. If there are provocative and important passages to be 

discovered, people should be able to exercise their own judgement to find and 

measure them. 

Other than a few other stylistic changes from the standpoint of contemporary usage 

(e.g., changing "to-day" to "today" and the like), no other changes to the text have 

been made. 

This document is best viewed with a screen resolution of 1024x768. 

Reprinted in accordance with U.S. copyright law. 



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